Today, the Cato Institute launches Your Verdict Counts, a nonpartisan civic education initiative anchored by an eight-minute short video designed to help Americans better understand their rights and responsibilities when called to serve on a jury.

The campaign focuses on educating prospective jurors about rights they are rarely told about before entering the courtroom. This includes the ability to vote according to their conscience, protections against punishment for a verdict, and the fact that “reasonable doubt” has no fixed legal definition and is left to each juror’s judgment.

Louisiana is no stranger to violating the constitutional duty to disclose exculpatory evidence to criminal defendants. In fact, half of the Supreme Court’s decisions reversing convictions on this basis come from Louisiana. Juan Matthews’s case is yet another entry in that troubling record and a further example of how Louisiana state courts are failing to uphold the Constitution’s guarantee of a fair trial.

Juan Matthews was wrongfully convicted of murder in 1992 after the state withheld a substantial amount of exculpatory evidence. Over 30 years into his prison sentence, a records request revealed previously undisclosed police files. These files “supplied an eyewitness who described a different man fleeing the scene, showed that the state’s central eyewitness may not have seen the shooting as she claimed, and revealed that a witness who did not have a prior relationship with the victim or his family was shown Matthews’s photograph but did not identify him as the suspected shooter.”

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Recently, I’ve begun to wonder how it is that grand juries—which have recently begun rejecting politically motivated prosecutions—have blessed prosecutions as ridiculous as that of former Olympian David Hearn.

Earlier this summer, a DC-based federal grand jury indicted Hearn on felony charges for allegedly vandalizing the Lincoln Memorial Reflecting Pool. US Attorney Jeanine Pirro was eventually forced to dismiss the indictment against Hearn—and others—because the damage was caused not by Hearn or other vandals but by a Trump-connected contractor’s botched and rushed installation. As the US Attorney’s Office in Washington, DC struggles to secure convictions, the notion that DC grand jurors drawn from that precise community have greenlighted these prosecutions seems far-fetched—unless grand jurors are being lied to, manipulated, or aren’t being presented with the full picture.

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Looks like someone has leaked details to the New York Post about a plan led by appointees of Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent to go after the tax exemptions of major nonprofits perceived as being at ideological odds with the Trump administration. These include George Soros’s Open Society Foundations, the Southern Poverty Law Center (SPLC), and the Council on American-Islamic Relations (CAIR); civil penalties and “massive back payments” are also envisaged. (Separately, the federal government is also pressing a criminal case against SPLC based on particular factual contentions unlikely to have a parallel for most other groups.) Treasury would be the lead agency in an attempt at mass revocation because it houses the Internal Revenue Service (IRS).

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Last week, President Trump used the official White House social media account to once again claim that he’d won the 2020 election (“I WON THE ELECTION!”). This time, his declaration stemmed from a seven-page Census Bureau report alleging at least 24,000 noncitizens voted in the 2020 general election (in which 154.6 million Americans voted).

At the risk of indulging the absurd: Trump’s claim isn’t supported. Even if we accept the report’s findings as facts (more on that below), it still doesn’t change the outcome of the 2020 presidential election. Of the states with the closest margins of victory for Joe Biden: Arizona (10,457 votes), Georgia (11,779), Wisconsin (20,682), Nevada (33,596), the Census report only alleges 1,100 (AZ), 400 (GA), 500 (WI), and 250 (NV) alleged noncitizens. And of course, we know that not every alleged unlawful noncitizen vote went for Biden.

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Yesterday, the Supreme Court granted the Trump administration’s request to stay a lower court injunction that had barred the federal government from taking action on Trump’s second executive order from March 2026 (“Ensuring Citizenship Verification and Integrity in Federal Elections”).

The internet freaked out, as it is prone to do, both in despair and jubilation (e.g., “Supreme Court upholds Trump EO allowing USPS to withhold ballot sends in states that don’t verify voter rolls,” Jack Posobiec, X post).

But the reality is much more mundane. As stated in the first three sentences of Justice Sotomayor’s dissent:

Today’s decision does not address whether the President’s attempts to interfere with States’ administration of the November 2026 elections are lawful. Nor does it suggest that the Executive Branch has any constitutional or statutory authority to implement the President’s directives. Instead, today’s decision merely postpones adjudication of those challenges. 

As quarterback Aaron Rodgers once told Green Bay Packers fans: “R‑E-L-A‑X.”

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A former aerospace engineer and current homebrewer, Ohioan John Ream wants to distill spirits at home to enjoy with his wife. He would gladly register a still and pay the relevant federal tax, but an 1868 federal law prohibits home distilling. Operating a still in your home—or on a parcel “connected with” it—is a federal felony. Ream sued the government, alleging that this ban violates the Constitution.

The Sixth Circuit upheld the ban as a necessary and proper means of enforcing the federal tax on distilled spirits, thereby breaking with a Fifth Circuit decision issued just 11 days earlier. Cato filed an amicus brief urging the Supreme Court to review Ream’s case and reverse the decision.