In their timely new book, Bob Bauer (also former White House counsel under President Obama) and Jack Goldsmith (also former assistant attorney general in the Justice Department’s Office of Legal Counsel under President George W. Bush) provide a comprehensive roadmap for reforming the presidency. They offer more than 50 concrete proposals concerning
- conflicts of interest,
- foreign influence on elections,
- abuse of the pardon power,
- assaults on the press,
- law enforcement independence,
- special counsel procedures,
- FBI investigations of presidents and campaigns,
- the role of the White House counsel,
- war powers,
- executive branch vacancies,
- domestic emergency powers,
- how one administration should examine possible crimes by the prior administration, and more.
Each set of reforms is preceded by rich descriptions of relevant history, background law, and norms. All the proposals are prefaced by a chapter that explains how Donald Trump—and his predecessors—conducted the presidency in ways that justify these reforms. Commenting on them will be J. Michael Luttig, who is not only a former federal judge and U.S. Supreme Court contender but also ran the Office of Legal Counsel under President George H. W. Bush.
- “Six Post‐Trump Reforms to Help Protect the Rule of Law,” by Bob Bauer & Jack Goldsmith
- “How to Reform the Pardon Power,” by Bob Bauer & Jack Goldsmith
- “The U.S. Has Neither Systemic Voter Fraud Nor Voter Suppression,” by Ilya Shapiro
- “The FBI Needs to Be Reformed,” by Bob Bauer & Jack Goldsmith
In After Trump: Reconstructing the Presidency, Bob Bauer and Jack Goldsmith provide a comprehensive roadmap for reform of the presidency in the post‐Trump era. In fourteen chapters they offer more than fifty concrete proposals concerning presidential conflicts of interest, foreign influence on elections, pardon power abuse, assaults on the press, law enforcement independence, Special Counsel procedures, FBI investigations of presidents and presidential campaigns, the role of the White House Counsel, war powers, control of nuclear weapons, executive branch vacancies, domestic emergency powers, how one administration should examine possible crimes by the president of a prior administration, and more.
In substance if not style, the Trump administration’s protectionist trade policies have looked conspicuously like those espoused by congressional Democrats over the past 25 years. Now that Trump has laid bare the economic, social, and geopolitical folly of this approach, Democrats may be ready to begin returning to their pro‐trade roots and reembracing the ideas championed by statesmen such as Cordell Hull and other party forebearers who advanced trade and international cooperation under U.S. leadership during the depths of the Great Depression through the Cold War and beyond.
What are the Democrats’ wishes for U.S. trade policy? What obstacles do they foresee? Are they willing and able to remind Americans, once again, why being for trade is in their best interest and why being against trade is not?
Join us to hear thoughts from prominent congressional Democrats about
- reclaiming Congress’s constitutional authority over trade policy;
- repealing Trump’s unilateral tariffs;
- recommitting to multilateralism;
- recommitting to the rule of law in trade;
- supporting the modernization of the World Trade Organization;
- finding a coherent approach to dealing with China;
- supporting bilateral and regional trade‐liberalizing efforts; and
- promoting domestic actions that improve American competitiveness.
- “Democrats and Trade 2021: A Pro‐Trade Policy for the Democratic Party,” by James Bacchus
- “A Pro‐Trade Policy for the Democratic Party,” by James Bacchus
- “Trade Policy under a Biden Administration: An Overview of the Issues and Some Practical Suggestions,” by Simon Lester
- “Biden’s Trade Policy Options Constrained by Domestic Politics and Geopolitics,” by Daniel J. Ikenson
- “President‐Elect Biden and the Freedom to Trade” featuring Daniel J. Ikenson and Simon Lester
- “The Democratic Presidential Hopefuls Are Failing Us on Trade,” by Daniel J. Ikenson
Outer space is a strategically important and increasingly crowded place. A growing number of countries depend on unfettered access to outer space to run their economies and protect their security interests. Modern militaries also rely on space‐based sensors and communications to function effectively on the battlefield, provide early warning of nuclear attack, and keep tabs on potential adversaries in peacetime.
The growing strategic importance of outer space encouraged the United States to establish its first new military branch since 1947: the U.S. Space Force. The Space Force, which will celebrate its first birthday in December, will be heavily laden with advanced technology, but will it have the right organizational characteristics and firm foundation of strategic thinking to take advantage of its capabilities? Is the Space Force ahead of its time, or is its creation as an independent service dreadfully premature?
In a new Cato Institute policy analysis, Robert Farley argues that the Space Force lacks both a clearly defined organizational culture and a clear strategic purpose, which will hamstring the newly created service. Please join us for a virtual policy forum with the report’s author and two leading space policy experts to discuss the report and debate its findings.
In December 2019, Congress established the U.S. Space Force as an independent uniformed military service within the Department of the Air Force. Although many defense analysts had long argued for a reorganization of the Department of Defense’s space capabilities, few had settled on this particular solution. This policy analysis evaluates the reasoning behind the Space Force’s establishment, concluding that the service’s creation is premature.