I’ve written a new study for the Show‐​Me Institute examining the problem of eminent domain abuse in Missouri. In the wake of the 2005 Kelo decision, a few state legislatures took decisive action to protect property rights, but many failed to enact comprehensive reforms. Unfortunately, Missouri was in the latter category. The legislature here passed a very timid eminent domain bill in 2006 that made some minor procedural changes and increased compensation for some property owners. But as I document in the study, the legislation has had little or no impact on the frequency of eminent domain projects that primarily benefit politically‐​connected private developers.


I make two major points in the study that are relevant across the country. First, the moment cities start to threaten the use of eminent domain by designating an area “blighted,” it casts a shadow over the affected area that retards economic development. After all, what home or business owner is going to invest in property that is likely to be demolished in a few years? As a result, “blight” often becomes a self‐​fulfilling prophesy; properties deteriorate as politicians draw up a new “master plan” for the area.


Second, I point out that eminent domain is most harmful to small business owners and low‐​income residents who lack the political clout or the deep pockets required to fight the seizure of their properties. As I argue in a new article in The American, “redevelopment” projects punish small business owners who choose to open up shop in struggling neighborhoods. And in McRee Town, the redevelopment project I studied in the most detail, the city demolished apartments that had rents between $275 and $550/​month, and replaced them with single‐​family homes costing more than $200,000. Obviously, the previous occupants were forced to move to other parts of the city, presumably into neighborhoods that are just as slum‐​like.