The Pakistani public is headed to the polls on July 25, to vote in the third consecutive election since 2008. While it remains difficult to predict which political party will emerge victorious, one thing is clear: Pakistan’s youth will most likely determine the winner.


Pakistan is in the middle of youth bulge. According to Pakistan’s National Human Development Report, 64 percent of the population is between the ages of 15 and 29. This population is concerned with completing their education, securing a job to increase the likelihood of financial stability, having the ability to change a job if needed (indicating a desire to not only have a strong economy but also a diverse one), being able to marry and have children, having the ability to buy a house, car, and other material comforts, and being able to emigrate and/​or study aboard.


But do Pakistan’s major political parties have the capacity to address the youth’s concerns? Not really.


All major political parties—Pakistan Muslim League–N (PML–N), Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf (PTI), and Pakistan Peoples Party (PPP)—have long understood the importance of the youth, and have tried various techniques to appeal to young voters. When campaigning for the 2013 general elections, PML–N introduced a program that provided free laptops to poor students to increase their accessibility to technology as part of a larger initiative to improve the quality of education. PPP sought to engage the youth in policymaking by creating youth councils while PTI appealed to the youth directly, urging young people to join PTI and create a “Naya (New) Pakistan” free of corruption. The 2018 campaign season has also been filled with appeals to the youth, with political parties (even religious ones) hiring DJs to “raise the passion of people.” But the political parties manifestos don’t meet the passion of the rallies.


PML–N’s 2018 manifesto describes: a self-employment scheme for youths that includes low-interest loans and increased access to community banks; the creation of low-medium skilled jobs in the agricultural sector; and an emphasis on vocational training. The manifesto states that PML–N is making youth representation in democratic forums a top priority. Yet, the manifesto is blatantly Punjab-centric. For example, the vocation training programs are all sourced from Punjab, such as TEVTA or Technical Education and Vocational Training Authority in Punjab, the PSDF or the Punjab Skills Development Fund that is designed to provide free vocational training to poor and vulnerable populations, and the PVTC or the Punjab Vocational Training Council, which focuses on vocational teacher training. What about the youth in other provinces and tribal areas?


PPP’s 2018 manifesto has a broader scope. While it goes into a more detail reforming and modernizing education, improving access to quality education, revitalizing sports, and increasing technical and vocational programs, it fails to provide actual policies and programs that can achieve these lofty goals. For example, the manifesto states that PPP aims to regulate internship programs to all young people to increase their work experience, making them more appealing when they enter the workforce. Yet, no details have been provided on this regulation program. Will it be based on a quota system? Will students be able to get university credit for internships?


Similar to PPP’s manifesto, PTI’s 2018 manifesto lists a number of noteworthy goals but fails to provide any implementation details. For example, PTI’s manifesto focuses on doubling the size of existing skill development and vocational training programs but fails to explain how. The manifesto states that PTI will launch a national program to provide practical training to graduates in the public and private organizations but fails to name any specific organizations it has been in touch regarding such a program. PTI also wants to establish a liaison under the Ministry of Foreign Affairs to promote foreign placement of Pakistani talent but does not discuss what a PTI-led government will do to reduce visa restrictions that Pakistani nationals face worldwide. 


Pakistan’s National Human Development Report found that 80 percent of Pakistan’s youth has voted in the past, and reports indicate that Wednesday’s election won’t be much different. While youth involvement in Pakistan’s political processes has evolved over time, one thing is clear: Pakistan’s political parties need to not only engage the youth but also focus on how they can meet the youth’s demands in a fiscally responsible way. For now, none of the parties seem to have a clear idea of how to deal with the country’s youth bulge.