He Must Be Scots-Irish

A longtime friend and executive assistant to Sen. James Webb (D-VA) was charged yesterday with trying to carry a loaded pistol and two fully loaded magazines of ammunition into a Senate office building, the Washington Post reports.

Webb’s most recent book is Born Fighting: How the Scots-Irish Shaped America. The Scots-Irish “are a culture founded on guns, which considers the Second Amendment sacrosanct, while literary and academic America considers such views not only archaic but also threatening,” Webb wrote. “Nobody is going to get their guns.”

Watch out, Capitol Police.

Respecting Property Rights

This dramatic photo appears on the front page of today’s New York Times.

 

Chinese authorities are respecting the legal rights of a landowner who does not wish to sell her parcel.  Maybe this incident will have a Sputnik-like effect on American policymakers:  “Hey, the commies are getting ahead of us on property rights!  Let’s reverse the Kelo ruling and stop eminent domain abuse!”

For Cato work related to property rights, go here.

Hillary and the Real 1984

I have an op-ed today taking off from the Hillary 1984 “mash-up” ad to discuss just how close to reality it might be.

The image of Hillary Clinton on a giant screen reminded me of one of the proposals in her book, It Takes a Village….

And what about that giant screen? Even when the government doesn’t step in to take children from their parents, Clinton sees it constantly advising, nagging, hectoring parents: “Videos with scenes of commonsense baby care – how to burp an infant, what to do when soap gets in his eyes, how to make a baby with an earache comfortable – could be running continuously in doctors’ offices, clinics, hospitals, motor vehicle offices, or any other place where people gather and have to wait,” she writes. The childcare videos could alternate with videos on the Food Pyramid, the evils of smoking and drugs, the need for recycling, the techniques of safe sex, the joys of physical fitness, and all the other things the responsible adult citizens of a complex modern society need to know. Sort of like the telescreen in Orwell’s 1984 – or the YouTube video….

Many conservatives want to be your daddy, telling you what to do and what not to do, and many liberals want to be your mommy, feeding you, tucking you in, and setting your curfew. But the proper role for the government of a free society is to treat adults as adults, responsible for making their own decisions and accepting the consequences.

And that’s why the image of a nagging, hectoring Hillary Clinton on a giant telescreen seems altogether too real.

Tax Reform is the Best Way to Reduce Tax Evasion

A column in the Pittsburgh Post-Gazette reviews new academic research indicating that high tax rates encourage tax evasion. Most politicians think the solution is more power for the IRS, but the columnist points to ideas that are much more likely to work and much more consistent with the protection of a free society. First, shrink the size of government so that taxpayes are less likely to be angry about grotesque examples of waste, fraud, and abuse. Second, adopt a simple and fair system such as the flat tax:

The pressure to cheat, Dr. Antenucci said, comes from the big payoff. “The top tax rate is 35 percent. In this investment investment environment, people scratch to make a 5 percent to 8 percent return, and there is 35 percent sitting right there.” …”When people read about a $500 coffee pot being sold to the government, people don’t want to pay their taxes,” he said. …The professors advocate attacking the problem on several fronts. First, create a tax system where cheating is extremely difficult. One way would be to switch to a flat tax or national sales tax.

Market Education — Understanding the Evidence

I recently wrote that that the private sector can and does expand to meet demand in response to large scale school choice programs. I gave as examples the Netherlands, Chile, Sweden, and Denmark, all of which have national school choice programs that resulted in expanded private education sectors.

Though she acknowledges that she is unfamiliar with the programs in Denmark and Sweden, The Quick and the Ed.’s Sara Mead claims that this evidence does not show “what Coulson believes it does.”

She supports that view by questioning the results in Chile and the relevance of the Netherlands, and by presenting American voucher programs as a putative counter-example.

These objections do not hold water.

First, Chile. As Ms. Mead correctly points out, the expansion of the private sector in that country has occurred more rapidly in middle and upper income areas than in low income areas. As I explained in my chapter in What America Can Learn from School Choice in other Countries, there are two main reasons for this: Chilean government schools serving the poor receive substantially greater per-pupil funding than do private voucher schools, and most of Chile’s poor are concentrated in rural areas.

The poor are poor, not stupid. Research shows that when Chilean government schools get total funding that is between 150 percent and 300 percent of the private school voucher amount, they start to do as well or even somewhat better academically. When they get roughly the same per pupil funding, they do poorly compared to private voucher schools. The poor in Chile are thus often making a wise choice when they decide to frequent the much higher spending government schools.

It is also the case that it is easier to open a viable school in an area of high population density than one of low population density. So, until the high-population density areas are saturated with schools, growth of private schooling in rural areas will be slower than in urban areas. If, as seems to be the case, Chilean private voucher schools continue to enroll a larger and larger share of students, this gap will eventually go away.

In the Netherlands, where government schools do not receive higher per pupil funding than private voucher schools, there is little difference in enrollment rates by income. In fact, the private Catholic school sector in the Netherlands has a slightly lower average socio-economic status than does the government sector, but its students nevertheless outperform their wealthier government school counterparts.

I could go on like this at length, picking apart the rest of Ms. Mead’s argument (e.g., existing U.S. voucher programs haven’t grown more because they are explicitly capped in size or funds!), but this is enough to make my point: if you actually look at all the relevant evidence, and make an effort to understand it, the kind of superficial objections that are offered by the anti-market crowd fall apart.

Ms. Mead adds that “If Mr. Coulson sends me a copy of his book and any other relevant materials, I would be happy to learn more about this.”

That’s a nice, polite thing to say. And I appreciate it. But, as scholars, we are not supposed to wait for the evidence to come to us with a bow on it. We are supposed to go out and find it, and if it is apparently contradictory, to try to make sense of it. And we should wait to offer policy advice until we’ve been able to complete that process with a reasonable degree of comprehensiveness and confidence.

I wish I could come up with a nicer way to say that, but it has to be said.

Prosperity Creates More Leisure, But Is “Unfair” to the Rich

An article at Slate.com looks at data showing a big increase in leisure time, especially among those with lower incomes:

In 1965, the average man spent 42 hours a week working at the office or the factory; throw in coffee breaks, lunch breaks, and commuting time, and you’re up to 51 hours. Today, instead of spending 42 and 51 hours, he spends 36 and 40. What’s he doing with all that extra time? He spends a little on shopping, a little on housework, and a lot on watching TV, reading the newspaper, going to parties, relaxing, going to bars, playing golf, surfing the Web, visiting friends, and having sex. Overall, depending on exactly what you count, he’s got an extra six to eight hours a week of leisure—call it the equivalent of nine extra weeks of vacation per year. For women, time spent on the job is up from 17 hours a week to 24. With breaks and commuting thrown in, it’s up from 20 hours to 26. But time spent on household chores is down from 35 hours a week to 22, for a net leisure gain of four to six hours. Call it five extra vacation weeks.

And because those with lower incomes have disproportionately gained from this trend, the author mockingly asks whether they should be forced - as part of the campaign to reduce inequality - to donate unpaid labor to the “less fortunate” with more money but less free time:

…a certain class of pundits and politicians are quick to see any increase in income inequality as a problem that needs fixing—usually through some form of redistributive taxation. Applying the same philosophy to leisure, you could conclude that something must be done to reverse the trends of the past 40 years—say, by rounding up all those folks with extra time on their hands and putting them to (unpaid) work in the kitchens of their “less fortunate” neighbors. If you think it’s OK to redistribute income but repellent to redistribute leisure, you might want to ask yourself what—if anything—is the fundamental difference.

Kanan Makiya Looks Back

Saturday’s New York Times runs a profile of Kanan Makiya, the Iraqi-American intellectual who was at the center of the case for attacking Iraq.  Makiya, chastened to a degree unfortunately uncommon among American neoconservatives, is writing a book about what went wrong.

“I want to look into myself, look at myself, delve into the assumptions I had going into the war,” he said. “Now it seems necessary to reflect on the society that has gotten itself into this mess. A question that looms more and more for me is: just what did 30 years of dictatorship do to 25 million people?”

“It’s not like I didn’t think about this,” he continued. “But nonetheless I allowed myself as an activist to put it aside in the hope that it could be worked through, or managed, or exorcised in a way that’s not as violent as is the case now. That did not work out.”

That may suffice for Mr. Makiya, but it is entirely insufficient for the U.S. government and the neoconservative architects of the war, who continue to peddle their strategic snake oil all over town.  What’s their excuse?