Topic: Regulatory Studies

Today in Cato’s Growth Forum

Cato’s special online forum on reviving growth continues today with the following new essays:

1. Morris Kleiner makes the case against occupational licensing.

2. Tim Kane calls for more immigration.

3. Alan Viard advocates moving to a progressive consumption tax.

4. Donald Marron argues for a carbon-corporate tax swap.

New in Cato’s Online Growth Forum

Here are the newest essays in the Cato Institute’s online forum on reviving growth:

1. Ramesh Ponnuru offers three ideas – on taxes, patents, and money.

2. William Gale argues for getting our fiscal house in order.

3. Jeff Miron proposes cuts in health insurance subsidies.

4. Adam Thierer calls for a culture of permissionless innovation.

New Essays in Cato Online Forum on Growth

Here are the latest entries in the Cato Institute’s online forum on reviving growth (see here for some more background about the forum):

1. Tyler Cowen contends that foreign policy can have a major impact on long-term growth.

2. Heather Boushey argues that a national program of paid family leave will boost labor supply and therefore growth.

3. Eli Dourado proposes incentive pay for Congress.

4. Peter Van Doren cautions that there are no easy answers.

Today in Cato’s Online Forum on Growth

The Cato Institute’s special online forum on reviving growth (see here for more details) continues today with the following four essays:

1. Dean Baker argues for free trade in doctors and drugs – by eliminating immigration restrictions and patent protection.

2. Jim Manzi also calls for more high-skill immigration, as well as visionary investments in scientific research and technology projects.

3. Jonathan Rauch proposes a national apprenticeship system.

4. Philip K. Howard makes the case for radical simplification of law.

Supreme Court Should Remove Kafka-esque Burden to Vindicating Property Rights

In order to create better telecom infrastructure, New York state law gives private telecom firms the power to take private property in exchange for just compensation. Verizon used this power to build terminal boxes on thousands of pieces of private property, thus essentially permanently occupying a part of the properties. Verizon is one of a few companies that enjoy this extraordinary, state-granted privilege to build things on other people’s property without their permission.

Those companies, however, must compensate the owners (at least theoretically) for these sorts of takings of property. Kurtz v. Verizon New York, Inc. arises from a putative class action alleging that Verizon failed to compensate 30,000-50,000 property owners for building terminal boxes on their property. Although Verizon is required to give property owners their “full compensation rights,” the plaintiffs argue that the company continuously flouts this requirement “as a matter of corporate policy and practice,” thus violating both the plaintiffs’ rights to procedural due process—for example, by not even notifying them that their property was being taken—and their Fifth Amendment rights to not have their property taken for public use without just compensation.

The U.S. Court of Appeals for the Second Circuit, however, ruled that the plaintiffs couldn’t proceed with their claims because of a case called Williamson County Regional Planning Commission v. Hamilton Bank of Johnson City (1985), in which the Supreme Court ruled that plaintiffs with takings claims have to seek relief from state courts before proceeding with a federal claim. Otherwise, the case will be dismissed for being not “ripe”—not ready for a federal court to hear the case.

Although this may seem like a small hoop-jumping exercise, this procedural requirement creates an unnecessary and burdensome extra step that can prevent many plaintiffs from ever having their takings claims heard in federal court. No other enumerated constitutional right has a similar requirement. Plaintiffs claiming a First Amendment violation, for example, don’t first have to exhaust their case in state courts.

The plaintiffs are now petitioning the Supreme Court to review the continuing relevance of Williamson County. In a brief supporting the petition, Cato, joining the Pacific Legal Foundation, argues that takings claims are ripe when the taking occurs, not after a plaintiff has gone through the state courts. Moreover, we point out that Williamson County, when combined with other rules of civil procedure, has actually prevented many claimants from ever bringing a case.

After exhausting their claims in state courts, some plaintiffs find that federal courts will dismiss their case on the ground that the matter has already been decided (what lawyers call res judicata, or “judged matter”). Other times, defendants will ask the judge to move the case from state court to federal court and then, once the case is in federal court, will argue that the plaintiffs did not exhaust their claims in state court (which of course they couldn’t have done because the defendants removed the case).

This Kafka-esque system is not the way to properly vindicate constitutional rights, and it’s certainly not what the Supreme Court imagined when it decided Williamson County. The Court should take this case to remove an unnecessary and harmful barrier to the protection of private property. 

Madison Officials Recommend Misguided Rideshare Regulations

Earlier this week, members of a Madison, Wisconsin city subcommittee recommended misguided rideshare regulations relating to insurance, surge pricing, and hours of service that reveal a confused understanding of how ridesharing works.

If the subcommittee’s recommended regulations are implemented, companies such as Uber and Lyft, both of which provide ridesharing services, will have to provide at least $1 million worth of insurance coverage once a rideshare driver is logged into their app, regardless of whether there is a passenger in the car. In Madison, taxis are required to be covered by auto liability policies worth at least $1 million per accident. 

The $1 million insurance requirement in place for Madison taxis is higher than the insurance requirements in many other cities. In New York and Los Angeles, regulations require taxis to have at least $300,000 of coverage per incident. In Washington, D.C., taxis must have at least $50,000 per incident in coverage. Chicago requires taxis to be covered up to a combined single limit of $350,000 per incident.

It should be noted that both Uber and Lyft already have a $1 million policy in place from when a driver accepts a ride request to when a passenger is dropped off. What ridesharing companies will almost certainly object to is the recommended $1 million of coverage for the time when a rideshare driver has a rideshare app open but has not accepted a ride request. As it stands, both Uber and Lyft offer coverage for this time period worth up to $50,000 per individual per incident, $100,000 per incident, and $25,000 per incident for property damage. This coverage is designed to kick in if a driver’s personal auto insurance declines a claim.

California and Colorado, which have both passed legislation related to ridesharing insurance, mandate coverage very similar to the coverage already offered by Uber and Lyft for the period when a driver is logged into a ridesharing app but has not accepted a ride request. The differences between Uber’s and Lyft’s policies and the California and Colorado legislation are that the laws in Colorado and California require that the coverage be primary and that the property coverage be $30,000 rather than $25,000. The laws’ requirements go into effect on January 15, 2015 in the case of Colorado and on July 1, 2015 for California. 

In addition to insurance requirements subcommittee officials have also recommended a ban on “surge pricing” at times of peak demand. Both Uber and Lyft change the price of rides at busy times such as holidays when demand is high. Uber’s surge pricing policy was in the news shortly after Halloween this year when it emerged that a few individuals had paid enormous fares after they took an Uber ride during a time of increased demand. While some might think that Uber fares during “peak demand” are excessive, it is worth keeping in mind that before an Uber passenger can request a ride while surge pricing is in effect she must input the amount of the surge in the Uber app. In addition, the Uber app allows for users to estimate their fare. Likewise, Lyft informs users “prime time” fares are in effect before they request a ride.

What the surge price ban proposal reveals is a misunderstanding of how ridesharing works. Ridesharing drivers are not professional drivers and drive whenever they want. During popular times of partying or celebration (such as New Year’s or Halloween), rideshare drivers may have to decide between partaking in the festivities and driving. Surge pricing helps incentivize rideshare drivers to meet demand during busy times by allowing for increased profit. If passengers do not like surge pricing, the market will reflect that very quickly, so there is no need for Madison officials to interfere with the surge pricing systems in place.

Another set of recommendations made by the Madison subcommittee relates to hours of service. According to the recommended regulations, ridesharing companies will have to ensure that drivers are available 24/7 after one year of licensed service in Madison. This requirement, like the surge pricing ban, reveals a misunderstanding of ridesharing. Uber and Lyft do not control when drivers turn on ridesharing apps, rideshare drivers drive when they want. Regulators ought to leave the issue of driver availability to market forces rather than concern themselves with when private car owners use an app.

The regulations proposed by the Madison subcommittee betray a misunderstanding of an industry officials ought to welcome rather than burden with unnecessary regulations. Let’s hope that when the recommendations are put before the Madison Transit and Parking Commission next month, its members will realize how misguided these recommendations are. 

Illegal “No Child” Waivers Should Raise Much Louder Alarms

If the outcry over unilateral executive moves we’ve seen over the last few years remains consistent, Obamacare and immigration are likely to keep sucking up most of Republicans’ attention and the media’s coverage. But just as sweeping have been executive waivers issued from the hated No Child Left Behind Act – really the most recent reauthorization of the Elementary and Secondary Education Act – that have been instrumental in connecting numerous states to, among other things, the Common Core national curriculum standards. And yesterday, the Education Department issued guidance offering states the chance to obtain waivers – if they do the administration’s bidding, of course – lasting well into the term of the next president: the 2018-19 school year.

These waivers are almost certainly illegal – even a Congressional Research Service report often cited to suggest the opposite says they are unprecedented in scope and, hence, an untested case – and even if they are not deemed technically illegal, the reality is they still amount to the executive department unilaterally making law. NCLB does grant the Secretary of Education the authority to issue waivers from many parts of the Act, but it grants no authority to condition those waivers on states adopting administration-preferred policies. Indeed, as University of South Carolina law professor Derek W. Black writes in a recent analysis of waivers, not only does NCLB not authorize conditional waivers, even if a court were to read any waiver authorization as implicitly authorizing conditions, the actual conditions attached – “college- and career-ready standards,” new teacher evaluations, etc. – fundamentally change the law. In fact the changes, Black notes, are essentially what the administration proposed in its 2010 “blueprint” to reauthorize NCLB. And quite simply, the executive fundamentally changing a law is not constitutional.

The latest waiver guidance goes beyond even the toxic status quo. Not only is the President using his vaunted pen and phone to unilaterally make education law, but law that would continue well into his successor’s term. It is a very dangerous move that, quite frankly, deserves at least as much alarmed coverage as Obamacare waivers and immigration actions. If for no other reason, because the action is moving us swiftly toward a de facto federal curriculum. In other words, direct control over what the vast majority of the nation’s children learn.

Federal power can’t get much more invasive than that.