Nothing like a discussion of federal salaries to fill up my inbox with angry comments from federal workplaces across the land. In a post last week, I simply pointed out that new data from the U.S. Bureau of Economic Analysis (BEA) showed that federal worker wages and benefits have been rising quickly, and by 2005 averaged twice the average in the private sector. Then came the email.
Fedsmith, a very useful website that focuses on federal workforce issues, discussed the data this morning, and federal workers also responded with dozens of comments.
GovExec.com also ran a story today.
By the way, I can say nice things about federal workers – BEA economists do quality work, churn out loads of great data, and are very helpful when you send them a query.
A headline over a Washington Post editorial reads:
Hands Off Hedge Funds
Sometimes libertarians deserve to win an argument.
Gee, thanks. I’m glad libertarian arguments against over‐regulation made sense to the editorial writer in this case. But I’m disappointed in the suggestion that this is a rare occasion.
Indeed, I’ll bet the editorial writer agrees with most of the basic ideas that libertarians advocate: private property, markets, the rule of law, limited constitutional government, religious toleration, equality under the law, a society based on merit and contract not status, free speech, free trade, individual rights, peace.
In the West we live in a liberal world, and in the United States we call liberalism “libertarianism.” (When Americans say “liberalism,” they mean the welfare state.) The Post’s disagreements with libertarianism are really less rare than the headline suggests; they involve how often and how much national policy should deviate from the basic principles we already agree on.
Cross‐posted from Comment is free.
Last month, a study by the National Center for Education Statistics reported that private schools consistently outscore public ones, but that their advantage goes away after controlling for differences in student and school characteristics.
In my response to that study, I pointed out that some of the authors’ statistical controls were incorrect and others were misapplied, undermining their conclusion.
Elena Llaudet and Paul Peterson of Harvard University have now run the numbers after correcting for these errors, and the verdict is in: the private school academic advantage is real.
That said, the central point of my earlier blog post remains: the current 10 percent niche of private schools in this country does not constitute a true competitive education industry. Yes, independent schools outpeform government schools, but according to the last International Adult Literacy Survey, nearly a quarter of 16‐to‐25 year‐old Americans are functionally illiterate.
We don’t need a system that’s a little better than this. We need a system that’s a whole lot better. We need real market reform of our entire education sector.
The Washington Post reports that Jack B. Johnson, county executive of Prince George’s County in Washington’s Maryland suburbs, is very generous to his friends. Since he took office,
…15 of his friends and political supporters have been awarded 51 county contracts totaling nearly $3.3 million, according to records and interviews.
In several cases, Johnson awarded county contracts to supporters after he failed to persuade the County Council or others to place them in county jobs. He has also created at least a dozen high‐profile positions and filled them with supporters, including fraternity brothers. Some of those who received contracts or jobs had no expertise in the field, and others did not produce written reports required by the county.
In one case, Johnson hired a friend’s company, which produces a local cable show, to write a report on school construction financing and then gave him two more contracts to evaluate economic trends. He gave a similar contract to his campaign chairman.
Perhaps the surprise is that this is considered front‐page news. What politicians don’t hand out tax‐funded benefits to their friends? Certainly the various scandals swirling around the Republican Congress — involving Jack Abramoff, Tom DeLay, Duke Cunningham, and others — provide fresh reminders.
As I wrote in Libertarianism: A Primer, one of the earliest and most charming descriptions of political reality came from Lord Bolingbroke, an English Tory leader in the early 18th century. He wrote to a friend:
I am afraid that we came to Court in the same dispositions as all parties have done; that the principal spring of our actions was to have the government of the state in our hands; that our principal views were the conservation of this power, great employments to ourselves, and great opportunities of rewarding those who had helped to raise us and of hurting those who stood in opposition to us.
Jack Johnson should tell the Post, “Yeah, what he said!” But Johnson doesn’t have to reach back to Lord Bolingbroke for a precedent. In the same part of Libertarianism: A Primer, I told the story of Johnson’s predecessor as Prince George’s County Executive:
A particularly striking illustration of what we might call Bolingbroke’s Law is the record of Maryland governor Parris Glendening. Elected in 1994, Glendening seemed a clean, honest, moderate, technocratic former professor. He might give Maryland big government, but at least it would be clean government. So what did he do when he took office? Well, here’s how the Washington Post described his first budget:
In his first major act as Maryland governor, Parris N. Glendening unveiled a no‐new‐taxes budget that unabashedly steers the biggest share of spending to the three areas that voted most strongly for him: Montgomery and Prince George’s counties and Baltimore.
Lord Bolingbroke, call your office. A few days later, it turned out that Glendening and his top aide were collecting tens of thousands of dollars in early pension payments from Prince George’s County, where Glendening served as County Executive until his election as governor, thanks to Glendening’s creative interpretations of rules that gave early pension benefits to government employees who suffered “involuntary separation” from their jobs. Glendening decided that officials not allowed to seek reelection because of term limits, such as the two‐term limit on the County Executive, had been “involuntarily separated” from their jobs. And he “demanded” the resignations of his top aides a month before he left his county job – making them also victims of “involuntary separation” – whereupon he hired them as his top aides in the governor’s mansion.
Like the Energizer bunny, the Glendening money train just kept on going. In May the governor asked the legislature to spend $1.5 million in taxpayer funds to rescue a struggling high‐tech firm in Prince George’s County headed by one of his political supporters. Then in August, Frank W. Stegman, the state secretary of labor, licensing, and regulation, hired the wife of Theodore J. Knapp, the state personnel secretary and a colleague of Stegman’s from the Prince George’s government, for a job in his agency. No ingrate, personnel secretary Knapp then returned the favor by recommending a $10,000 raise in Stegman’s meager $100,542 salary.
Politicians reward their friends. What else is new? The best way to limit the damage from this sort of corruption is to limit government to a few specific functions and leave most important services in the marketplace.
Late last week, the Secretary of Education’s Commission on the Future of Higher Education released the third – and probably last – public draft of its report on reforming the American ivory tower. It will likely submit its final report to the secretary in September.
Just like the previous two drafts, number three includes a lot of bad ideas, including one sweeping proposal that all by itself justifies the report’s rejection:
The Secretary of Education, in partnership with states and other federal agencies, should develop a national strategy that would result in better and more flexible learning opportunities, especially for adult learners.
Imagine the kind of mischief policymakers could justify on the grounds that they are creating “better…learning opportunities”? No commission should ever give Washington such a broad license to legislate.
That said, there are a couple of things in draft three that differ markedly from drafts of old, including one that says something I never, ever thought I’d see in a federal report:
A private sector education lending market has fully developed (separate and distinct from loans subsidized by the federal government and made by private financial institutions), which provides a variety of competitive lending products offering many options for funding education expenses. The Commission notes that wider recognition and wider utilization of these options by many families would result in the private sector providing more funding for higher education and in freeing scarce public funds to focus on aid for economically disadvantaged students and families.
A report by a federal commission on higher education that promotes the use of private lending options? Is it April 1st?
And that’s not all. Draft three also notes much more emphatically than the previous two the deleterious, inflationary effects of having tons of third‐party funding – primarily, money forced out of the wallets of Joe and Jane Taxpayer – pumped into colleges:
A significant obstacle to better cost controls is the fact that a large share of the cost of higher education is subsidized by public funds (local, state and federal) and by private contributions. These third‐party payments tend to insulate what economists would call producers – colleges and universities – from the consequences of their own spending decisions, while consumers – students – also lack incentives to make decisions based on their own limited resources. Just as the U.S. healthcare finance system fuels rising costs by shielding consumers from the consequences of their own spending choices, the high level of subsidies to higher education also provides perverse spending incentives at times.
Now, let me make this clear: If the commission’s final report is essentially unchanged from draft three, it will be a bad thing, encouraging federal and state governments to impose numerous new rules and regulations on America’s ivory tower, which despite all its faults is still the best in the world. At least, though, draft three doesn’t ignore either the root causes of, or free‐market solutions for, higher education’s problems.
That alone is a reason for optimism.
Not if enough people read Timothy Sandefur's new book, Cornerstone of Liberty: Property Rights in 21st-Century America, and join the Castle Coalition.
MIT’s Amy Finkelstein argues that much of the increased use of technology in American medicine (what I term “premium medicine” in Crisis of Abundance) has been induced by Medicare, which reduced out‐of‐pocket costs and thereby increased the demand for care.
Perhaps the easiest place to grasp her work is at an archived presentation at the AEI, particularly the powerpoint slides that may be found as a link there. Also, see links given by Tyler Cowen.
Finkelstein compares the change in insurance coverage induced by Medicare across different states – in some states the elderly were relatively well insured prior to Medicare, and in other states they were not. Using this “natural experiment” methodology, she finds that Medicare accounts for a large share of the increased spending on health care since 1965. However, she does not find any corresponding increase in health. She does, however, argue that Medicare had a very large risk‐reduction benefit, by saving the very sick from having to suffer huge financial costs.
To me, this suggests trying to maximize the insurance benefits of health insurance (reducing financial risk) while minimizing its distortionary effects. The proposals in my book would head in that direction.
My proposals are politically radical but economically sensible, as the research of Finkelstein reinforces. You can hear more about Crisis of Abundance at this this Cato event on August 29th, which also will feature journalist Sebastian Mallaby and Democratic wonk Jason Furman.