Tag: aca

Stopping Risk-Adjustment Payments and Cutting Navigator Grants Make ObamaCare Harms More Transparent

The Trump administration has announced it is suspending so-called “risk adjustment” payments to insurers who participate in ObamaCare’s Exchanges, and cutting spending on so-called “navigators,” who help (few) people enroll in ObamaCare plans. 

The Washington Post’s Catherine Rampell and other ObamaCare supporters are calling these steps sabotage. In fact, what these steps will do is make the costs of ObamaCare’s supposedly popular preexisting-conditions provisions more transparent.

Risk-Adjustment (Bailout) Payments to Insurers

ObamaCare’s so-called “risk adjustment” program exists to funnel money to insurers who enroll lots of sick people who cost more in claims than they pay in premiums. Without it, insurers probably wouldn’t participate in ObamaCare. We may therefore confidently describe the risk-adjustment program as a bailout designed to rescue insurers from the costs of ObamaCare’s preexisting-conditions provisions. 

The risk-adjustment program does a better job of protecting insurance companies than sick patients. Those preexisting-conditions provisions literally punish insurers for offering coverage that the sick find attractive. They therefore create powerful financial incentives for insurers to make their offerings unattractive to the sick.

The risk-adjustment program is supposed to counteract those incentives. Anecdotal evidence and empirical research both show it’s not working. The risk-adjustment program is failing to counteract the perverse incentives that ObamaCare itself creates. ObamaCare coverage is therefore getting worse for many sick patients. Don’t worry, the insurance companies come out okay. Insurers can mitigate whatever losses the bailouts don’t cover with even more restrictive benefit designs to keep the sick away. Sick patients fare less well.

Reducing or eliminating spending on the risk-adjustment program would reveal more of the harms of the preexisting-conditions provisions. More of the cost would fall on insurers, who would respond by offering even more restrictive coverage, or exiting the market. More such transparency might finally push Congress to repeal those provisions and put health care for the sick on a more stable footing. 

In February, a federal district court in New Mexico ordered the Centers for Medicare & Medicaid Services to cease using its methodology for making risk-adjustment payments until the agency adequately explains that methodology. On July 7, the agency announced it will not make any risk-adjustment payments until the issue is resolved.

The insurers will eventually get their bailouts. But the delay will cost them money and add uncertainty to the process. Those effects in turn may lead insurers to take even greater steps to protect themselves from the costs of the preexisting-conditions provisions—thereby making those costs more transparent.

Cutting Navigator Spending

ObamaCare authorizes CMS to make grants to “navigators”—i.e., groups who are supposed to help people enroll in ObamaCare plans. They are a waste of taxpayer money, and likewise hide the costs of ObamaCare’s preexisting-conditions provisions.

According to CMS, navigators received $63 million for plan year 2017 and $36 million for plan year 2018. In both years, they signed up less than 1 percent of ObamaCare enrollees. “During grant year 2016-2017,” CMS reports, “seventeen of those Navigators enrolled fewer than 100 people at an average cost of $5,000 per enrollee.” That’s more than the cost of the health insurance, in many cases. The Wall Street Journal reports, “One grantee took in $200,000 to enroll a grand total of one person. The top 10 most expensive navigators collected $2.77 million to sign up 314 people.” The Las Vegas Review-Journal editorializes, accurately, “the navigator scheme is a make-work government jobs program rife with corruption and highly susceptible to scam artists. It’s a slush fund for progressive constituent groups.”

The navigator program also hides the cost of ObamaCare’s preexisting-conditions provisions. Since the sick will reliably enroll in ObamaCare even without navigators, those whom navigators end up enrolling are going to be disproportionately healthy. Thus navigators are also helping to hide the costs of those provisions by spreading the costs across more (healthy) people. Cutting spending on navigators will likewise reveal more of the costs of those provisions.

The Trump administration announced it is cutting spending on navigators to $10 million for plan year 2019. It should eliminate the program entirely. The less the federal government spends on navigators, the more transparent ObamaCare’s costs will be.

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When ObamaCare supporters complain about such steps, they are describing transparency as sabotage. Think about what that means.

Short-Term Plans Would Increase Coverage, Protect Conscience Rights & Improve ObamaCare Risk Pools

Any day now, the Trump administration will release a final rule allowing greater consumer protections in so-called “short-term, limited duration insurance,” a category of health insurance Congress exempts from federal health insurance regulations, including ObamaCare regulations. In comments I filed on the proposed version of the Trump administration’s rule and an accompanying Wall Street Journal oped, I explained some but not all of the benefits of allowing these consumer protections. What follows is updated and new information about the benefits of allowing those consumer protections.

Introduction

In 2016, the Obama administration arbitrarily prohibited certain consumer protections in short-term plans. First, it exposed sick consumers to underwriting and loss of coverage by shortening the maximum duration of short-term plans from 12 months to 3 months. Second, it prohibited “renewal guarantees” that would protect consumers who develop expensive illnesses from ever facing underwriting or losing their coverage.

Last year, President Trump urged the Department of Health and Human Services to allow short-term plans to last 12 months and to allow consumers to bridge together consecutive short-term plans with “renewal guarantees” that protect them from being re-underwritten after they get sick. With ObamaCare premiums soaring and the consulting firm Avalere warning of “substantial increases” in ObamaCare premiums for 2019, these consumer protections would mean “consumers could purchase health-insurance protection for 90% less than the cost of the average ObamaCare plan.“ Renewal guarantees would keep people with expensive conditions out of ObamaCare plans, thereby improving ObamaCare’s pools and reducing the cost of ObamaCare. Along the way, allowing these consumer protections would “increas[e] transparency in government and provid[e] voters and policymakers with better information about the cost of the ACA.”

Trump’s AHPs Rule: a Generally Lousy Idea that Would Reduce Premiums for Some and Make ObamaCare’s Costs More Transparent

The Trump administration has released its final rule expanding so-called association health plans. The rule would allow many consumers to avoid some of ObamaCare’s unwanted regulatory costs. But the rule also highlights both the destructive power of ObamaCare and Republicans’ utter lack of imagination when it comes to health care.

As originally proposed, the idea behind association health plans was to allow small businesses that purchased health insurance through a member-organization (i.e., an association) to enjoy the same federal exemption from insurance regulation that large businesses have traditionally (if unwisely) enjoyed. Small businesses have long wanted that exemption so they could escape oppressive state regulation. Now, small businesses are clamoring for association health plans because they want to escape oppressive federal regulation.

ObamaCare exempts large-employer health plans from many of the regulations it imposes on small-employer plans. The new rule treats association health plans like large-employer plans for purposes of ObamaCare, which allows small employers who purchase health insurance through a member organization to avoid those costly regulations. The consulting firm Avalere estimates the ability to avoid some of ObamaCare’s unwanted regulatory costs would induce 3.2 million people to enroll in association health plans and reduce their premiums:

Premiums in the new AHPs are projected to be approximately $2,900 a year lower compared to the small group market and $9,700 a year less compared to the individual market.

By Grabthar’s hammer, what a savings!

Traditionally, association health plans have always been a terrible idea that violates Republicans’ federalist principles, because they would move health-insurance regulation from the state level to the federal level. But since ObamaCare went ahead and federalized regulation of small-business health plans, and the association-health-plans rule merely allows small businesses to opt for lighter versus heavier federal regulation, association health plans no longer violate federalism. Credit ObamaCare with making a bad idea good.

Even in this iteration, however, association health plans still aren’t much of a good an idea. Trump’s association health plans rule builds on the broken model of employer-sponsored health insurance. Employer-sponsored coverage is lousy coverage. It deprives workers of control of their health-insurance dollars and decisions. It sticks millions of workers with health plans they would never choose themselves. It leaves millions of workers with uninsurable preexisting conditions, because it disappears for no good reason after workers get sick. It increases prices for health care and health insurance. The failures of our government-created system of employer-sponsored coverage are what created the demand for ObamaCare in the first place. Rather than offer an agenda to make health care better, more affordable, and more secure, Trump’s association health plans rule works entirely within that framework. It does nothing to move Americans toward a better system of providing health insurance.

Still, it would allow some workers to avoid some unwanted regulatory costs. So there’s that.

And that part gives rise to the only other good part of this rule, which is also the part that ObamaCare supporters hate the most: the rule will make ObamaCare’s costs more transparent. ObamaCare imposes its highest hidden taxes, in the form of higher premiums, on the healthy. The association-health-plans rule will free an estimated 1 million disproportionately healthy people to escape those unwanted regulatory costs. When those folks drop out of the Exchanges, the average risk in ObamaCare’s risk pools will rise. Correspondingly, ObamaCare premiums will rise, perhaps even faster than they have to date

ObamaCare supporters decry this as “sabotage,” but that is a subterfuge. When ObamaCare premiums rise to reflect the cost of ObamaCare’s regulations, it is what the world calls transparency. ObamaCare supporters fear such transparency because, as ObamaCare architect Jonathan Gruber admitted, the public would have rejected the law (and still might!) if they could actually see what it does. “[If] you made explicit that healthy people pay in and sick people get money,” Gruber admitted, “it would not have passed.”

And if you reach a point where you decry transparency as sabotage, it may be time to reevaluate your life. 

I Will Bet Drew Altman $100 that ObamaCare’s Preexisting Conditions Are Unpopular

The Trump administration announced it will argue in federal court that ObamaCare’s preexisting-conditions provisions are unconstitutional. Supporters of the law, including many reporters, are beside themselves with glee. Republican fools! Everyone knows ObamaCare’s preexisting-conditions provisions are the most popular part of the law! (Democrats, crush them!!)

ObamaCare’s supporters have this one exactly backward. The law’s preexisting-conditions provisions are not popular. They are wildly unpopular. Supporters of the law believe they are popular – and have fooled even Republicans into believing the same – because they have been drinking a strong brew of economic ignorance, shoddy polling, and bad journalism.

In response to the Trump administration’s announcement, Kaiser Family Foundation president Drew Altman wrote:

Protections for people with pre-existing conditions are hugely popular, and the administration may have handed Democrats their strongest health care weapon yet — because now they can make the case that the administration has gone to court to take away protections for people with pre-existing medical conditions.

The case is also likely to drag on, so it could be the political gift that keeps on giving through 2020, even if it is eventually thrown out.

The Washington Post’s Paige Winfield Cunningham wrote:

The Trump administration has given Democrats a generous political gift
Preexisting conditions health coverage is very popular.

President Trump has given Democrats the political gift that Capitol Hill Republicans were too smart to grant them last year. And Republicans know all too well it could be disastrous…

Dismayed, top Republicans have been moving quickly to put space between themselves and the administration on the matter, anxious to distance themselves from such popular consumer protections…

Politicians and policymakers are well aware that preexisting protections [sic] poll extremely well with Americans. Seventy percent of respondents to a Kaiser Family Foundation poll last year — including 59 percent of Republicans — said the federal government should continue prohibiting insurers from charging these folks more for coverage.

Less smart than Capitol Hill Republicans? Them’s fightin’ words.

The reason Altman, Cunningham, and almost everyone else in Washington believe ObamaCare’s preexisting-conditions provisions are popular is because they conduct (in the case of Altman) and rely on (in the case of Cunningham) poll questions that ask only about the presumed benefits of those provisions–as if those provisions have only benefits, and no costs. Here is the Kaiser Family Foundation poll question both of them cite.

Bad Polling

The question basically asks whether respondents want the federal government to guarantee that sick people will pay no more for health insurance than healthy people pay. It asks only about the intended benefits of ObamaCare’s preexisting-conditions provisions: lower premiums for the sick.

Kaiser Family Foundation scholars from Altman all the way down to the lowliest research assistant, as well as seasoned health-policy journalists like Cunningham, know full well that requiring insurers to charge healthy and sick enrollees the same entails significant costs as well as benefits. And they know what those costs are. But while I have seen Kaiser Family Foundation polls ask respondents to offer opinions informed by both the benefits and the costs of a certain policy, I have never seen them do so with regard to ObamaCare’s preexisting-conditions provisions.

Fortunately, we at the Cato Institute have done so. The results may shock you! 

Topics:

Coming Soon to a Los Angeles Times Corrections Box Near You

Correction: The article “Trump’s New Insurance Rules Are Panned by Nearly Every Healthcare Group that Submitted Formal Comments” claimed the Trump administration proposes allowing short-term health insurance plans “to turn away sick people.” In fact, federal law already allows short-term plans to turn away sick people, and to our knowledge not even opponents of the administration’s actual proposal have proposed changing that feature. We regret the error.

The article claimed the Trump administration’s short-term plans proposal would weaken consumer protections. In fact, the proposal would strengthen consumer protections by allowing short-term plans to shield enrollees who fall ill from medical underwriting—a consumer protection the Obama administration prohibited these plans from offering. We regret the error.

The article described groups that advocate forced health care subsidies as “patient and consumer advocates,” but withheld that designation from patient and consumer advocates who oppose forced health care subsidies. We regret allowing ideology to creep into our reporting.

Finally (we hope), the article identified the financial interests of groups supporting the Trump administration’s proposals, but not the financial interests of groups opposing them. We regret our failure to follow the money.

HHS Can and Should Allow Short-Term Plans to Protect the Sick from Medical Underwriting

If you aren’t paying attention to the debate over short-term health insurance plans, you should. It’s a mixed-up, muddled-up, shook-up world where Republicans are pushing to expand consumer protections, Democrats are fighting to block them, and the public debate has it exactly backward.

In this morning’s Wall Street Journal, I explain:

ObamaCare premiums keep skyrocketing. Rate hikes as high as 91% will hit many consumers just before Election Day. Maryland insurance commissioner Al Redmer warns ObamaCare is in “a death spiral.”

So-called short-term health plans, exempt from ObamaCare’s extensive regulations, are providing relief. Such plans often cost 70% less, offer a broader choice of providers, and free consumers to enroll anytime and purchase only the coverage they need.

But there’s a downside. When enrollees fall ill, either their premiums spike or they lose coverage, leaving an expensive ObamaCare plan as the only alternative. Markets solved that problem decades ago via “renewal guarantees,” which allow enrollees who get sick to keep paying the same premiums as healthy enrollees.

For more than two decades, Congress has consistently tried to prevent sick patients from being to medical underwriting. Yet in 2016, the Obama administration did exactly the opposite. It issued a regulation that exposed enrollees in short-term plans to medical underwriting after they got sick:

In 2016, in an effort to force people into ObamaCare plans, the Obama HHS shortened the maximum duration for short-term plans from a year to three months and banned renewal guarantees. The National Association of Insurance Commissioners complained this reduced consumer protections and exposed the sick to greater risk, including the risk of having no coverage.

The Trump administration has proposed reversing the Obama rule and allowing short-term plans to offer both 12-month terms and renewal guarantees that allow enrollees who get sick to keep paying the same premiums as healthy enrollees (i.e., no more underwriting). Both of these proposals are consumer protections that would protect the sick from medical underwriting and in some cases protect the sick from losing coverage entirely. 

Believe it or not, Democrats are opposing these consumer protections! I am tempted to say their opposition is inexplicable, but it’s all-too explicable. Democrats want to prevent short-term plans from offering these consumer protections because they fear consumers will find short-term plans more attractive than ObamaCare. Democrats are literally trying to stop Republicans from expanding consumer protections because they would rather protect ObamaCare. 

Democrats Ask Trump Administration to Block Consumer Protections

In a recent letter to the Trump administration, leading congressional Democrats ask the administration not to allow protections for enrollees in short-term health plans.

Yes, you read that right. Dated April 12, the letter comes from Sens. Patty Murray (WA) and Ron Wyden (OR), as well as Reps. Frank Pallone (NJ), Bobby Scott (VA), and Richard Neal (MA), each the top Democrat on a different congressional committee with jurisdiction over health care. They ask the administration to withdraw in its entirety a proposed rule that, if implemented, would offer significant protections to enrollees in so-called “short-term limited duration plans.”

The administration has proposed lengthening the maximum term for such plans from 3 months to 12 months, which had been the limit for nearly two decades before the Obama administration shortened it. The administration has also asked for public comments (due April 23) on whether it should allow insurers to offer short-term plans with “renewal guarantees”—a consumer protection that allows enrollees who develop expensive illnesses to continue paying low, healthy-person premiums.

The letter asks the administration to “withdraw the proposed rule in its entirety,” which would block those consumer protections. These Democrats literally want to prevent short-term plans from giving consumers the peace of mind from knowing they will be covered for an entire year. Worse, these Democrats want to prohibit short-term plans from offering a consumer protection that protects the sick from premium spikes. 

The reason for this animosity toward short-term plans is rather clear: ObamaCare supporters don’t want the competition. Federal law exempts “short-term limited duration plans” from ObamaCare and other federal health-insurance regulations. Short-term plans free consumers to purchase only the coverage they want, rather than have ObamaCare force them to buy coverage they don’t want, including coverage for things they may find morally repugnant. ObamaCare supporters do not want consumers to have that freedom, because when consumers leave ObamaCare coverage for short-term plans, ObamaCare premiums will reflect more and more of the cost of that law.

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