The European Union commissioner for economic and monetary affairs, Joaquin Almunia, thinks there should be a minimum wage for all EU member nations. This is a destructive notion, considering many European nations suffer from substantional unemployment and under‐employment. To the extent that minimum wage policy is harmonized (as opposed to 27 different minimum wage policies in 27 EU nations), poorer countries will be hardest hit.
The EU Observer reports on the latest proposal from the statists in Brussels:
EU economic and monetary affairs commissioner Joaquin Almunia has mooted the idea of minimum wages being introduced in each of the 27 member states across the European Union. “Every country in the EU should have a minimum wage,” Mr Almunia told the German weekly Die Zeit in an interview.
…[O]nly 20 EU member states currently have a set level of minimum wages.… Germany … is one of the few major world economies without a minimum wage.
But for the intriguing--and unsettling--revelation that President Bush's nickname for his attorney general is "Fredo," there's not much new in the Washington Post's recent four-part series on vice president Dick Cheney. But the series does serve to remind us of how consistently Cheney has pushed for three decades to expand the powers of the presidency. That in turn is a good jumping-off point for examining how inconsistent post-Watergate conservatives' affinity for powerful executives is with conservatism, properly understood.
Almost to a man, the postwar conservatives who coalesced around William F. Buckley’s National Review associated presidential power with liberal activism and viewed Congress as the “conservative” branch. In 1960 NR senior editor Willmoore Kendall, who had been one of Buckley’s professors at Yale, published an influential article called “The Two Majorities,” which made that case. In 1967, Russell Kirk and coauthor James McClellan praised the late Robert A. Taft, “Mr. Conservative,” for insisting that war had to be a last resort, threatening as it did to “make the American President a virtual dictator, diminish the constitutional powers of Congress, contract civil liberties, injure the habitual self-reliance and self-government of the American people, distort the economy, sink the federal government in debt, [and] break in upon private and public morality.”
Even so ardent a Cold Warrior as NR's James Burnham recognized that "by the intent of the Founding Fathers and the letter and tradition of the Constitution, the bulk of the sovereign war power was assigned to Congress." Burnham doubted that congressional control of the war power could be maintained, given the demands of modern war. But he wrote a book defending Congress's centrality to the American constitutional system and warning that erosion of congressional power and the rise of activist presidents risked bringing about “plebiscitary despotism for the United States in place of constitutional government, and thus the end of political liberty.”
The politician who represented the culmination of postwar conservatives’ hopes for political success, Senator Barry Goldwater, could sound as extremist in opposition to presidential power as he did on other matters involving “the defense of liberty.” In his 1964 campaign manifesto “My Case for the Republican Party,” Goldwater wrote:
We hear praise of a power-wielding, arm-twisting President who “gets his program through Congress" by knowing the use of power. Throughout the course of history, there have been many other such wielders of power. There have even been dictators who regularly held plebiscites, in which their dictatorships were approved by an Ivory-soap-like percentage of the electorate. But their countries were not free, nor can any country remain free under such despotic power. Some of the current worship of powerful executives may come from those who admire strength and accomplishment of any sort. Others hail the display of Presidential strength … simply because they approve of the result reached by the use of power. This is nothing less than the totalitarian philosophy that the end justifies the means…. If ever there was a philosophy of government totally at war with that of the Founding Fathers, it is this one.Read the rest of this post »
The latest issue of Foreign Policy includes a commendable piece by Jacob Shapiro, “Strictly Confidential” (summarized; full article behind paywall).
Shapiro makes an intelligent case that opening government improves security. “When government officials curb access to information,” he writes, “they cut themselves off from the brain power and analytical skills of a huge community of scientists, engineers, and security experts who are often far better at identifying threats, weaknesses, and solutions than any government agency.” Shapiro provides a couple of examples where openness has improved security systems.
“Putting information behind lock and key does not make targets safe from attack. It leaves security analysts unable to find solutions to other weaknesses in the future. It also leaves government and industry less motivated to find safeguards of their own.”
USA Today initially reported that Michael Moore will be screening his new film SiCKO at a Tehran film festival in October. Alas, one of Moore’s producers responded with an even‐tempered denial (which was dutifully reported by USA Today).
That’s a shame.
With the help of a beautiful and intelligent attorney, I uncovered a Treasury Department guide to U.S. sanctions against Iran. Officially speaking:
The receipt or transmission of postal, telegraphic, telephonic or other personal communications, which does not involve the transfer of anything of value, between the United States and Iran is authorized.
I’d say that gives SiCKO the green light.
..but not your own facts, as the saying goes. Michael Rubin of the American Enterprise Institute argued earlier this week in USA Today that the United States should pump more money into Iran in an effort to bring about the overthrow of the Iranian regime. According to Rubin, “those denouncing U.S. funding are not the imprisoned student and labor activists, but reformists loyal to theocracy, and gullible pundits.” Presumably that’s me in the role of gullible pundit, but let’s have a look at these “reformists loyal to theocracy” who constitute the only Iranian opponents to U.S. attempts to bring about regime change in Iran.
This from an article by Negar Azimi in the New York Times Magazine:
It is particularly telling, perhaps, that some of the most outspoken critics of the Iranian government have been among the most outspoken critics of the democracy fund. Activists from the journalist Emadeddin Baghi to the Nobel laureate Shirin Ebadi to the former political prisoner Akbar Ganji have all said thanks but no thanks. Ganji has refused three personal invitations to meet with Bush. A member of a U.S.-based institution that has received State Department financing and who works with Iranians told me that the Iranians had expressly asked not to have their cause mentioned in presidential speeches. ”The propaganda campaign surrounding the launch of this campaign has meant that many of our partners are simply too afraid to work with us anymore,” she told me on condition of anonymity. ”It’s had a chilling effect.”
This from an article in Time by Scott Macleod:
Several mainstream Iranian reformers tell TIME that from the start they transmitted their opposition to the democracy program indirectly but clearly to American officials via the back‐channel talks. Besides warning that it could trigger a crackdown, they argued that Iran’s reform movement had strong popular support and did not want or require foreign help. Outside backing has been an unusually sensitive issue in Iranian politics ever since a CIA‐backed coup d’etat in 1953 installed the former Shah. Instead, many of them argue, Iran’s democracy movement would be better served if the U.S. lifted sanctions and improved relations with Tehran, which would enable trade and cultural links to be expanded. “There is no serious individual inside or outside Iran who is going to take this money,” an Iranian reformer told TIME. “Anyone having the slightest knowledge of the domestic political situation in Iran would never have created this program.”
Note how Rubin has moved the goalpost such that genuinely Iranian voices of political reform with constituencies inside Iran have now been written out of the acceptable‐to‐the‐US opposition to the Iranian government. Shirin Ebadi, the Nobel laureate who has most recently been working to spring imprisoned Wilson Center scholar Haleh Esfandiari from Evin prison, has become “loyal to theocracy.” And the only folks left are Michael Rubin‐approved dissidents who want the U.S. government to become more deeply enmeshed with the opposition to the regime, with only one plausible outcome: poisoning the domestic political legitimacy of the opposition and getting the U.S. government more invested in regime change.
Maybe we need an Iranian Ahmed Chalabi.
One of the hottest issues in tech policy this year is the regulation of wireless networks. The transition to digital television is almost complete, and the FCC is planning to conduct an auction next year to determine who will get to use the old analog television spectrum once the television stations are done using it. Some scholars have argued that the FCC should impose a variety of regulations on the winner of that auction to promote competition in the market for wireless services.
I'm skeptical of this argument, but I do think the critics are right about one thing: in the long run, open networks (like the Internet) do tend to be more innovative than closed ones (like AOL). This is true for much the same reason that free markets are superior to central planning; open networks facilitate decentralized decision-making and low barriers to entry for entrepreneurs. The people who founded Netscape, Google, eBay, Yahoo, and dozens of other successful Internet businesses didn't have to ask anyone's permission to do so.
Right now, the wireless networks are not as open as many people in the technology industry would like. Someone wanting to create a new cell phone or a new wireless application or service has to go through a long and cumbersome negotiation process with each wireless carrier. There are good reasons to think this is slowing down the pace of innovation in the wireless market. However, the big debate is over what to do about this. Some people think the FCC should step in and mandate open access to wireless networks. For reasons I laid out in TechKnowledge last month, I think that's a bad idea. My view is that the wireless industry is still in its infancy, and that market forces will drive carriers to gradually open their networks over time.
Last week, we saw two examples of how this might happen. First, Ed Felten, a computer science professor at Princeton, had a great post pointing out one way the iPhone could shake up the wireless marketplace: