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TESTIMONY of
Solveig Singleton before the U.S. House of Representatives Subcommittee on Telecommunications, Trade and Consumer Protection Federal Standards for Internet Privacy: A Skeptical Approach
Electronic Commerce: The Current Status of Privacy Protections for Online Consumers, July 13, 1999
Mr. Chairman, my name is Solveig Singleton and I am a lawyer at the Cato Institute. In keeping with the truth in testimony rules, I note that the Cato Institute does not receive any money at all from the federal government, nor has it in the past. Today I will raise some key questions about the push for more federal standards on privacy, and propose some answers. In a sense, the most valuable thing I have to offer will be the questions--it's hard to do the answers justice in a short period of time. But I hope we can all agree that the questions I raise are serious ones. The persistence and nature of these questions in itself should give Congress pause before it regulates. Essentially, I'll make these points:
Privacy Premises About Morality One key assumption behind the privacy movement is that we know that customers ought to have notice and consent about how information about them arising from a transaction should be used, as a matter of right. But does this really make sense? Ordinarily, we are free to make all kinds of observations about other people without their consent (this is how journalists make their living). If two people interact in a transaction, why should one party have a right to exclude the other from using the information arising from it? If I buy a lawnmower from Sears, there's two entities involved in the transaction--me, and Sears. Why should I have a sole claim on the information relating to that event? In a country that takes the free flow of information seriously, why should I have the right to veto Sear's decision if it's managers choose to tell another business about that transaction--communicating information about real people and real events? In the context of e-commerce, especially with sensitive information, some businesses will give notice or experiment with more sophisticated privacy options to retain customer loyalty--just as it has been vital for doctors to respect their patients' confidentiality. But this is a complex matter of business ethics--the one-size-fits-all approach won't work. Privacy is a preference that will vary from person to person, place to place, and over time. In some contexts it will matter to consumers and business. In others, it will not. In this country, with its long tradition of respect for business and for the free flow of information, the assumption that the secondary use of information collected from web sites ought to be sending us into a frenzy of moral outrage is very peculiar. To illustrate this point, a story ran in the New York Times about Vice President Al Gore's "Write to the Vice President" web site. Somebody noticed that this site collected the names, addresses, grades, schools, and ages of children without requiring parental consent. Since then, its been changed. My point is about Al Gore's web master. I'm sure when his web master was designing that web page it did not even occur to him that asking for this information without getting consent was anything other than a normal, natural thing to do. This illustrates just how new this is, how odd the tone of moral outrage that marks the movement towards federal standards on privacy. It is removed from centuries of normal human experience. The debate about privacy is not just a debate of right versus economics. It is a debate about the free flow of information versus controls on that information. Furthermore, the default rules for how human beings exchange information about one another favor the freedom of information--with privacy being by special arrangement. Generally, human beings are free to make observations about other human beings, and record and report these--so long as they do not violate a confidentiality agreement, hack into someone's web site, or break into their house. Usually our privacy rights have been bounded by property right and contract obligations, with a handful of narrow privacy torts available at common law. Privacy Premises About Markets A key unarticulated assumption behind the push for federal privacy standards is that is that marketing exploits consumers and is not useful to them--so we don't need to worry much if our regulation strangles targeted marketing. This is the old-fashioned view. But empirical research has established that marketing play a crucial role in getting information into the hands of consumers. Some of the information conveyed through advertising is biased (that's the point, and everyone knows it), but biased information from a variety of sources is far better than none. Advertising plays a key role in heightening competition, lowering prices, and improving choice and quality; more targeting simply means it can play that role at a lower cost. Consumers do not need to be protected from these things. There's another peculiar assumption here, and that is the idea that somehow broad privacy protections (as opposed to just good security practices) are vital to the growth of electronic commerce, but somehow e-commerce companies are so silly that they won't move forward and give consumers what they want on their own. Now if you start with that assumption and look at the world--yes, you see a lot of movement towards privacy seal programs--but not everyone is there yet. And a lot of people then think, oh, there must be some kind of market failure. But what if the initial assumption isn't true? What if the data we have on what consumers want, which we get from prompting them in a survey, is not that reliable? These are the questions we should be asking, especially when we look out at the world and see electronic commerce taking off. Especially when there seems to be no reason in principle, looking at the economics of the matter, for entrepreneurs to perversely ignore any aspect of consumer demand. Given the benefits that consumers have gotten from high-tech businesses in the last decade, the vast diversification of markets in response to a million variations on customer tastes, the view that business would not respond to privacy preferences is an extraordinarily bizarre view. If they are not responding across the board, maybe its because demand isn't strong across the board. Privacy: Reviewing Empirical Evidence On Privacy We ought to look more closely at the type of evidence being collected and considered in the privacy debate. Frankly, the empirical work done so far has been dazzlingly shallow. A good bit of that information comes from self-reported data on surveys, from asking consumers "do you care about privacy?" Now, who would say "no" in answer to this question? Is the respondent distinguishing privacy from security issues? From spam? Even if they are, talk is cheap. Real preferences are revealed by consumer's actions, when they must consider the time and cost of actually obtaining what the survey offers them for free. Self-reporting is simply not that reliable--try wandering around among some of the tourists assembled in the mall for the Fourth of July and ask them if their kids are smarter or dumber than average. As Chet Thompson of Prodigy once noted, "Market surveys told Prodigy that people wanted to do their grocery shopping by computer. They didn't." Here are some other studies that ought to be performed in order to better judge the impact on consumers of federal privacy standards:
What all these studies have in common is that they all reflect actual behaviors and costs, not hypothetical preferences. (One caveat; in emphasizing these holes in our understanding I do not mean to imply that an empirical finding, for example, that consumers really do want privacy, would justify regulation--the conflict in principle between privacy and the free flow of information is still inescapable, as is the need for evidence of market failure). Imagine if Congress to address the question of cable rate deregulation simply by directing the FCC to ask consumers if they would prefer lower cable prices. Clearly, that would be disastrous. Yet we see some policymakers cheerfully considering privacy regulation for electronic commerce largely on the basis of survey data, as if regulating the Internet is a casual thing, like tossing off a Christmas mailing. Judging Self-Regulation I will leave it to other presenters to present figures about how the use of privacy seal programs has grown, and to describe those programs. I am going to talk about how to assess these programs. It's important to start with realistic expectations.
Conclusion: What is Minimal Regulation?
Given the flurry of concern about privacy, even legislators and businesses worried about the impact on electronic commerce are almost ready to concede the need for "minimal regulation"--just requiring sites to post their policies, that's all. But from my standpoint that's too radical a step, both unnecessary and not well informed. What kind of enforcement mechanism would we create? Do we really want to penalize the honest owner of a 50 year-old hardware store in Peoria because he put up his web site without a privacy notice? Why should enforcement resources be devoted to this? For once, the Cato Institute's position isn't the radical one. Things are working fine as they are; leave the Internet alone.
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