'The Libertarian Vote' by David Boaz and David Kirby

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Libertarians are

government conservatism and big-gov-

The main theme of political commentary

ernment liberalism. No wonder libertar-

in this decade is polarization. Since the bat-

less likely to be

ians are becoming swing voters, having

tles over the impeachment of President

organized than

been abandoned by both parties.

Clinton and the Florida vote in 2000, pundits

either liberals or

have been telling us that we're a country split

Libertarians are less likely to be orga-

down the middle, red vs. blue, liberal vs. con-

nized than either liberals or conserva-

conservatives.

servative. Liberals and conservatives read dif-

tives. Social conservatives have evangeli-

ferent books, watch different networks, and

cal churches, the Christian Coalition,

go to different churches.

and Focus on the Family constantly

But, in fact, a substantial number of

advocating their views with Republican

Americans don't fit into that liberal-conserv-

strategists. Liberals have unions and

ative dichotomy. As we demonstrate below,

identity-politics groups and advocacy

10 to 20 percent of Americans could be

groups like MoveOn.org. Libertarians

described as fiscally conservative and socially

have think tanks. People who want

liberal, or libertarian. They tell pollsters that

something from government--whether

they tend to oppose government involve-

spending programs or lifestyle regula-

ment in both economic and personal affairs,

tions--are more likely to organize politi-

meaning they don't fall into either the liberal

cally.

or the conservative camp. That's a substan-

Organized punditry also contributes to

tial part of the electorate in any election and

the flawed idea of the liberal-conserva-

especially in elections as close as recent presi-

tive spectrum. Every cable talk show

dential and congressional votes. There is evi-

debate features one liberal and one con-

dence from polling data that libertarians

servative, one red and one blue, one

shifted significantly away from Republican

Gingrich and one Estrich, one Coulter

candidates in 2004. Libertarians are increas-

and one Moore. In so doing, those

ingly a swing vote, and they are a larger share

shows neither serve nor reflect their

of the electorate than the fabled "soccer

audiences. They fail to give their viewers

moms" and "NASCAR dads." And lately nei-

a reliable understanding of the distribu-

ther party has shown much interest in the

tion of political ideas in America, and

libertarian vote, as Republicans counter big-

they offer no leaders or spokespeople

government liberalism with their own big-

for the 10 to 20 percent of Americans

government conservatism.

who hold libertarian ideas. Indeed, in

Why is this substantial and growing liber-

the words of identity-politics activists,

tarian strength not more widely recognized?

they "invisibilize" libertarians.

We see several reasons:

Pollsters tend to ask people to define

themselves as liberal or conservative, not

· We are all trapped in our dominant par-

including a libertarian option, and then

to report the results that way. Thus they

adigms. Political scientists have taught

too "invisibilize" libertarians.

for more than 50 years that politics is

arranged on a liberal-conservative con-

Most voters who hold libertarian views

tinuum. It's simple, and comfortable,

don't identify themselves as libertarian,

and we like such systems.

though many of them would say they

are "fiscally conservative and socially

It also seems to fit political activists and

liberal."

elected officials better than it fits the

public. Politicians in both parties face

This paper presents evidence on the size of

two kinds of pressure: to conform to the

the libertarian vote and suggests that it will

party line and to accommodate them-

become an increasingly significant part of a

selves to big government. That pushes

divided electorate.

elected officials in the direction of big-