Cato Institute
Policy Analysis
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Islamabad
becoming an unreliable "failed state." There
Introduction: Allies Again?  were signs of the country's "Talibanization,"
seemed to be
that is, the growing strength of radical Islam.
emerging as a
Two months after the terrorist attacks in  Pakistan also seemed to be a source of insta-
promoter of ter-
New York and Washington, President Bush  bility in South Asia and to pose a challenge to
praised Pakistan's president, Gen. Pervez  America's nuclear nonproliferation policy.
rorism, not
Musharraf, for showing "ever greater courage,  Worst of all, Islamabad seemed to be emerg-
unlike such
vision and leadership" in supporting the U.S.  ing as a promoter of terrorism, not unlike
war against terrorism, including the military  such "rogue states" as Iran and North Korea.5
"rogue states" as
campaign to oust the Taliban regime in
That perception was partly transformed
Iran and North
Afghanistan and capture the leaders of al-  after September 11, when Pakistan became a
Korea.
Qaeda. Musharraf's "efforts against terror are  critical theater in the U.S. effort to take the
benefiting the entire world," Bush said at a fight to the terrorists. Musharraf did an
November  10  press  conference  with  effective job of realigning Pakistan with
Musharraf at his side.1 His comment echoed a  Washington's policy. On the eve of the U.S.
statement made by British prime minister  attack on Afghanistan, Islamabad offered
Tony Blair on October 5, during a visit to  intelligence, air space, and ground facilities
Islamabad, in which he thanked the Pakistani  for the U.S.-led operation to dislodge
leader for his "courage and leadership" in  Afghanistan's Taliban regime and capture
committing his country to support the war  Osama bin Laden and his associates.
on terrorism.2 In a joint U.S.-Pakistani state-
Pakistan not only allowed U.S. troops to
ment issued during the Pakistani leader's visit  be based in key airfields near the Afghan bor-
to the United States, Bush and Musharraf  der; it agreed to freeze the bank accounts of
"reaffirmed the benefits of 50 years of friend-  four Islamist organizations with ties to al-
ship and close cooperation between Pakistan  Qaeda.6 Those moves were followed by the fir-
and the United States" and "welcomed the  ing of Ahmed Mahmoud, director-general of
revival of this longstanding partnership" as a  the military-run Inter-Services Intelligence;
"vital element" in the construction of region-  Muzaffer Usmani, deputy chief of the army
al and global stability and peace.3
staff; and other senior generals who had been
The statements by Bush and other U.S.  key players in Musharraf's 1999 coup but
officials that followed the start of the U.S.-led  who were known to have radical Islamic views
anti-terrorism campaign and the indications  and were reputed to be staunch supporters of
that Pakistan was willing to join it marked a  the Taliban regime. They were replaced by
sharp shift in the relationship between  military officers whose thinking was more in
Washington and Islamabad, which had expe-  line with Musharraf's new policy toward
rienced a steep decline during the last years of  Kabul. "The Taliban's days are numbered,"
the administrations of George H. W. Bush  declared Musharraf.7
and Bill Clinton. The Cold War and the com-
Indeed, in various statements, Musharraf
mon struggle against the Soviet occupation  accentuated Pakistan's role as an ally of the
of Afghanistan no longer cemented U.S.-  United States and pledged to Washington his
Pakistani ties in the 1990s, leading a veteran  nation's "fullest cooperation in the fight
analyst to conclude that, in the absence of  against terrorism." In an official statement
other "significant shared national interests,"  issued on September 13, Musharraf con-
tensions between the two nations were  demned the terrorist attacks, saying that the
becoming all too apparent.4
"carnage in New York and Washington has
In fact, the growing consensus among  raised this struggle to a new level." And in a
American policymakers and lawmakers was  meeting with U.S. Ambassador Wendy
that Pakistan was not only losing its strategic  Chamberlain, the self-appointed president
importance to the United States; it was also  (in June 2001 Musharraf added the presiden-
2