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That the United

relying on the United States for security, the

locked in a deepening, intense economic

Marshall Plan and NATO "were the two

rivalry. And, as "successor generations" came

States and

things which prevented a unity in Europe,

to power on both sides of the Atlantic, the

Europe are des-

which in the long run may be more valuable

sense of a common Euro-Atlantic identity--

tined to drift

than either of them."4 7

forged by the struggles of postwar recovery

In historical perspective, the EU's contin-

and the dangers of the early Cold War years--

apart politically

uing march toward political unity, and its

faded. With the Cold War's passing, those

and strategically

quest for military self-sufficiency expressed

factors gnaw away at the alliance's fabric at

an accelerated pace.48

is increasingly

in ESDP and the RRF, represent the triumph

of the hopes for Europe held by Eisenhower,

This time, however, there is no common

evident. The only

Dulles, and other leading U.S. policymakers

external threat to hold the fissiparous forces

issue is how this

during the late 1940s and 1950s. They saw

at bay and keep the alliance together.

the emergence of a stable, prosperous, and

Moreover, in the aftermath of the Kosovo

distancing occurs.

independent Europe as the sine qua non for

conflict, Europe predictably is beginning to

an exit strategy that would allow the United

respond to American hegemony by balancing

States to bring its troops back from Europe.

against the United States. That the United

But they also viewed the emergence of such a

States and Europe are destined to drift apart

Europe as the vindication of American ideals

politically and strategically is increasingly

and as the foundation for a healthy long-

evident. The only issue is how this distancing

term U.S.-European relationship.

occurs. An amicable separation is better than

a nasty divorce. For the former to happen,

however, the United States will need to give

Toward a New Transatlantic

up its hegemonic pretensions and accept

Relationship

Europe's emergence as an equal power center

in international politics. Whether the U.S.

foreign policy elite is prepared to accept

Although some people--though surely not

gracefully the transition from unipolarity to

Eisenhower and Dulles were they alive today--

multipolarity is, however, an open question.

might find it ironic, America's best hope for

That is the question that the Bush adminis-

retaining a healthy relationship with Europe

tration will be called upon to answer.

lies in cutting NATO's Gordian knot of con-

tradictions, resentments, and illusions. A U.S.-

European relationship based on mutual inde-

Notes

pendence, equality, and autonomy likely will

prove far stronger than NATO, the bonds of

1. Stuart Croft, Jolyon Howorth, Terry Teriff, and

which are fast being corroded by the recrimi-

Mark Webber, "NATO's Triple Challenge,"

International Affairs 76, no. 3 (July 2000): 503.

nations generated by America's dominance

Emphasis in original.

and Europe's subordination.

NATO's days are numbered, and Kosovo

2. Ibid., p. 504.

is likely to be remembered as the last

3. Ibid.

American war in Europe. The threat posed by

the Soviet Union was the glue that simulta-

4. Joseph Fitchett, "EU Force Takes Shape with

neously held the alliance together and legiti-

Pledges of Troops," International Herald Tribune,

mated U.S. hegemony in Europe. Yet, even

November 20, 2000; and "EU to Shape Reaction

Force," International Herald Tribune, November 18,

during the Cold War--especially from the

2000.

mid-1960s on--NATO's cohesion was erod-

ing. U.S. and Western European political and

5. Philip Webster, Richard Beeston, and Martin

strategic interests often conflicted sharply.

Fletcher, "French Trigger NATO Furore," Times

(London), December 8, 2000; Michael Evans,

Though allied against the Soviet Union, the

"Chirac Blows Cover of New European Army,"

United States and Western Europe were

Times (London), December 8, 2000; George Jones

11