Cato Institute
Policy Analysis
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reluctant to move decisively toward strategic
More worrisome for the United States and
self-sufficiency.
NATO is the rise of the KLA, which has
In the early 1950s, Dwight D. Eisenhower,
moved boldly to fill Kosovo's postwar politi-
then serving as NATO's first military
cal vacuum. Although NATO and the KLA
supreme commander, observed that, if 10
may reach a modus vivendi for the short
years hence U.S. troops were still in Europe,
term, the seeds for a new war in Kosovo have
NATO and the Marshall Plan would have
already been planted. As part of the postwar
failed.3 7In the broad sweep of history, the cel-
settlement, NATO is committed to uphold-
ing Yugoslavia's sovereignty over Kosovo, but
ebration of NATO's 50th anniversary marks
KLA leaders have made it perfectly plain that
the failure, not the success, of American poli-
they will accept nothing less than complete
cy. The time has come to complete America's
independence. Even after NATO's "victory,"
historic post-1945 project and, in an orderly
Kosovo remains a powder keg.
fashion, devolve the task of ensuring the
Continent's peace, stability, and prosperity to
Relations with the KLA
a stable and prosperous Western Europe.
Although American officials denied allega-
Having achieved its goals in Europe, America
tions that the United States was tacitly
should bring its forces home from "over
involved in arming and training the KLA,
there." In the absence of a hegemonic threat,
there were indications during the war that
U.S. security is no longer affected by
such involvement occurred.4 0 Moreover, evi-
parochial European quarrels. There is cer-
tainly no reason why U.S. soldiers should be
dence existed that American support for the
asked to die for Kosovo or future Kosovos.
KLA crossed from tacit to active during the lat-
ter stages of the war. President Clinton report-
edly even signed an order authorizing the
NATO's Pyrrhic Victory
Central Intelligence Agency to covertly train
KLA forces to conduct sabotage operations
against Yugoslav forces in Kosovo.4 1 Also,
The fruits of NATO's "victory" over
Yugoslavia have a bitter taste: the United
NATO coordinated its stepped-up air attacks
in early June with a KLA ground offensive.4 2
States and NATO will be entangled in the
southern Balkans for years keeping the
Cooperating with the KLA seemingly
peace, resettling refugees, and undertaking
accords with the timeless logic of power poli-
postwar reconstruction. Those missions are
tics: that the enemy of my enemy is my friend.
going to be expensive and dangerous. The
The flaw in that argument is its incorrect
Balkans--always volatile--now are even less
premise: the KLA, in fact, is on its own side,
In Kosovo itself
stable than they were before NATO com-
not America's or NATO's. Thus, in the case of
"peace" has
menced its war in Yugoslavia. In Kosovo
the KLA, the enemy of our enemy is (or soon
brought with it
itself "peace" has brought with it the usual
will become) our enemy, too. That situation
countercycle of revenge: now it is that
poses serious problems for NATO's postwar
the usual counter-
province's ethnic Serbs who are being
peacekeeping mission in Kosovo.
cycle of revenge.
forced into exile by vengeful ethnic Albani-
It is difficult to see why the KLA has
ans. In an especially brutal incident, 14
come to be the "good guy" in the Kosovo
conflict.4 3 The KLA includes disparate and
Serbian framers harvesting their crops were
massacred in the village of Gracko in July.
unpleasant elements: radical Islamic funda-
By the seventh week of NATO's deploy-
mentalists, communists, drug traffickers,
ment, there had been 198 confirmed homi-
criminals, and the descendants of the eth-
cides, 573 arson attacks, and 840 cases of
nic Albanians who fought for the Nazis in
looting.3 8 According to Human Rights
World War II. The KLA's aims are inconsis-
tent with Washington's vision and NATO's
Watch, more than 164,000 Serb civilians
have been driven from Kosovo.3 9
vision for the province--a vision that calls
10