Cato Institute
Policy Analysis
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whose sons or daughters have enlisted in
generated few casualties, not because
the armed forces, let alone are at risk in
America is employing a force of military pro-
Kosovo. It is troubling that the volunteer
fessionals.
military has left me so isolated from the
In fact, the concern about maintaining
brave men and women who are on the front
Washington's new commitments in Bosnia
lines of America's crusade against ethnic
and elsewhere demonstrates that today's
cleansing."110
advocates of conscription see the draft as a
In contrast, Charles Moskos of North-
means of maintaining unpopular and
western University argues that the lack of a
unnecessary deployments. Far from allow-
draft--and a consequent sense of national
ing political leaders to prosecute elitist wars
commitment--reduces political support for a
without popular support, the AVF is start-
significant number of combat deaths.111 But
ing to constrain officials who want to
most likely it is the absence of important
undertake just such endeavors. Should sig-
national goals that can be advanced only
nificant casualties occur in the occupation
through military action and not the absence
of Kosovo or intervention elsewhere, poten-
of a political consensus formed around a
tial recruits could transform Washington's
conscript military that militates against
strategy by refusing to join.
The most impor-
heavy casualties. Quite simply, in the public's
tant point may
mind, no recent intervention or proposed
National Disservice
intervention has warranted accepting a sig-
be how little
nificant number of combat deaths.
conscription
For reasons different from those offered
A number of people have long sought to
would affect the
by Moskos, experience suggests that the AVF
link conscription to national service, thus
creating a universal draft.114 Thomas Ricks
is a powerful constraint on militarism.
composition of
During the Vietnam War conscription pro-
proposes one example: "Along the lines of the
today's force.
vided the Kennedy, Johnson, and Nixon
current German system, youths could be
administrations with a ready supply of man-
given the choice of performing, say, eighteen
power to follow increasingly unpopular poli-
months of military service or two years of
public service."115 Other advocates are less
cies. Only after years of mounting casualties
did public opposition, inflamed by the exis-
specific. Steven Waldman, formerly a staffer
tence of the draft, grow sufficiently to end
at the Corporation for National Service,
the war. Similar was the experience in France,
argues, "Whether or not it is compulsory,
where a conscript military was eventually
some form of national service should be
universal."116
used to fight an unpopular colonial war in
Algeria; that conscript military even inter-
However, national service would offer no
vened in domestic French politics.112 Had the
additional advantages to the military.
Although the system would be "fair" because
United States relied on a volunteer force in
everyone had to serve, there is no reason to
Vietnam, however, average American young
believe that the government could efficiently
people--who bore the greatest cost of the
employ millions of 18-year-olds. Rational
fighting--could have ultimately halted the
people should tremble at the prospect of
war by refusing to join.
turning those lives over to Washington.117
Moreover, as noted earlier, the AVF repre-
sents mainstream America. Indeed, reliance
The practical difficulties with such a system
would be overwhelming.118
on the reserves during the Persian Gulf War
immediately spread the impact of George
Furthermore, it is one thing to drag some-
Bush's decision to go to war to all sectors of
one into uniform under penalty of prison to
society, including the professional classes.113
defend the nation; it is quite another to do so
to clean parks or bedpans. Advocates of
The public seems to accept frequent deploy-
national service treat constitutional liberties
ments today only because they have so far
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