Such an aid sys-
eral received incriminating documents about
January 1996; Chubais was placed on the
HIID's activities in Russia and began
HIID payroll.63
tem lacks outside
investigating.57 In May 1997 the agency can-
Several fallacies appear to guide those poli-
accountability and
celed most of the $14 million still earmarked
cies. One is the faith of U.S. policymakers in
precludes signifi-
for HIID, citing evidence that its two princi-
stated ideological positions. Donors tended
pal consultants had "abused the trust of the
to identify the reformer as such not because
cant oversight by
United States Government by using personal
he was an agent of change (although he
U.S. and Russian
relationships . . . for private gain."58 In partic-
might, indeed, have embraced reform). The
authorities not
prototypical "reformer" was Western orient-
ular, the project's two principals allegedly
ed; was conversant in English as well as in the
used their positions and inside knowledge as
aligned with the
donor vernacular of "markets," "reform," and
advisers to profit from investments in the
chosen group.
"civil society"; had Western contacts; and was
Russian securities markets and other private
a selfdeclared reformer (at least when talking
enterprises. The Harvard men remain under
to Westerners) who associated with other
investigation by the U.S. Department of
reformers. The most popular Russian reform-
Justice.59
ers in Western political and aid circles were
Following in Communism's Footsteps
young, energetic, and adept in their dealings
with donors. Western government officials
It is easy to understand the donors'
took them at face value. As U.S. AID's
impulse to support reformers. As U.S. AID's
Thomas A. Dine remarked, "If Maxim Boycko
Walter Coles said, "Reformers are the ones
tells me that X, Y, and Z are reformers, I be-
that are willing to take the risk. Their necks
lieve him." Dine went on to note that "it's no
are on the line."60 Although that explanation
secret that nationalists and Communists
sounds good in principle, it is less convincing
don't like [Chubais] and perhaps that's the
in practice because it is an inherently political
best proof of all [of his reform credentials]."64
approach disguised as a technical matter. As
self-styled reformers Maxim Boycko (St.
Yet identifying reformers on the basis of per-
Petersburg Clan member) and others
sonal attributes and declared ideological posi-
acknowledged, "Aid can change the political
tions--as they look in the West--is wrong-
equilibrium by explicitly helping free-market
headed. As Russian economist and former
reformers to defeat their opponents. . . . Aid
presidential candidate Grigory Yavlinsky stat-
helps reform not because it directly helps the
ed, "The new ruling elite is neither democrat-
economy--it is simply too small for that--but
ic nor communist, neither conservative nor
because it helps the reformers in their politi-
liberal. It is merely greedy and rapacious."65
cal battles." U.S. privatization aid, those
The disillusionment of those who were not
reformers added, "has shown how to . . . effec-
young or glib or "Western" enough to be cho-
tively . . . alter the balance of power between
sen was expressed by Aleksandr Lebed's
reformers and their opponents."61 In a 1997
spokesman:
interview, U.S. aid coordinator to the former
We [are] disappointed by the way you
Soviet Union, Ambassador Richard L.
Americans find friends in Russia. . . .
Morningstar, stood by this approach: "If we
Criminal and corrupted men can use
hadn't been there to provide funding to
all new opportunities with success,
Chubais, could we have won the battle to
but men of work and honor cannot
carry out privatization? Probably not. When
advertise themselves. . . . If you did not
you're talking about a few hundred million
want crisis in Russia, if you want [a]
dollars, you're not going to change the coun-
free, wealthy, democratic Russia, try
try, but you can provide targeted assistance
to help Chubais."62 U.S. assistance to Chubais
to find friends that really can work on
market reforms.66
continued even after he was dismissed by
Yeltsin as first deputy prime minister in
10