Cato Institute
Policy Analysis
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distinctions between the two. The following
treaty specifically prohibits a system that
comments by former Senator Paul Simon (D-
could defend the national territory of a signa-
Ill.) are typical of the refusal of most liberals to
tory, which is the purpose of NMD.
acknowledge that NMD and SDI are two dif-
Conversely, a system that is compliant with
ferent things:
the treaty has essentially no value for NMD
because it would provide only a limited capa-
The President and Congress . . . ought
bility to defend a specific area. That is, an
to acknowledge that SDI by any
ABM-compliant missile system (not now
name remains nothing more than a
deployed) could have protected only one U.S.
1990s version of the old French
site--the intercontinental ballistic missile
Maginot Line. The Maginot Line did-
(ICBM) installations at Grand Forks, North
n't work in World War II, and Star
Dakota--leaving the rest of the country
Wars can't work today, for reasons
unprotected.
made clear over the past 10 years of
congressional and public debate.
Does the ABM Treaty Serve American
Sadly, we are visiting an issue now
Interests?
that should have gone away in the
Supporters of the ABM treaty argue that
The United States
late 1980s.8
withdrawal would undermine the stability of
can build a limit-
the nuclear balance between Russia and the
The refusal of liberals to examine NMD
United States. They argue that the deploy-
ed NMD without
on its own merits instead of on the merits of
ment of defenses against ballistic missiles
disrupting the
SDI is not conducive to constructive debate.
could make the nuclear superpowers uneasy
nuclear balance.
Nor is the tendency of conservatives to auto-
that their offensive nuclear deterrents (one
matically dismiss opposition to NMD as a sig-
nuclear superpower would be deterred from
nal of weakness on defense or as evidence of
launching an offensive nuclear attack by the
unfitness for public office.
offensive nuclear forces of the other super-
Before rushing into a policy decision on
power) would be compromised, and that this
whether the United States should acquire and
unease could result in an offensive arms race
deploy an NMD system, ideology and theolo-
to offset the new defenses. John Pike of the
gy should be set aside to ask a few important
Federation of American Scientists makes the
and fundamental questions:
following argument:
1. Against what threat is defense
Unfortunately, we're still stuck in a
needed?
MAD [mutual assured destruction]
2. What are the defense objectives?
world with the Russians. . . . There are
3. Is an effective NMD technically
a lot of people at Strategic Command
feasible?
who continue to believe that we need
4. What is the cost of an NMD sys-
to have about 3,000 warheads to keep
tem?
Russia in a deterred frame of mind.
There are clearly a lot of their coun-
ABM Treaty Considerations
terparts in Moscow who feel that they
still need to have a very robust lay-
down with high damage expectancies
Perhaps the biggest obstacle to NMD is
on a lot of targets in order to be able
the Anti-Ballistic Missile (ABM) Treaty.
to sleep well at night. . . . As a result,
Almost by definition, any NMD system
we continue to be in a condition of
would be a violation of the ABM treaty. The
3