Cato Institute
Policy Analysis
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Page 13
would still constitute regulation of a sort.  Those basic
principles already suffice to make regular many other
types of commerce, after all, and would probably suffice
for the rest were commerce more free.69   Politicians and
bureaucrats might not regard it as "regulation" to treat
Internet gambling as an ordinary business, but their pre-
ferred solution--detailed and particular rules enforced by
specialized administrative bodies--would arguably do more
to make Internet gambling subject to rent seeking and
industry capture than it would to make it regular.  At any
rate, such statist "irregulation" has little chance of
affecting Internet gambling.
The Right to Gamble, Online and Off
Friends of liberty argue convincingly that the right
to peaceably dispose of one's property includes the right
to gamble.  Although utterly sound in philosophical terms,
such an argument will almost certainly fail to affect pub-
lic policy.  Lawmakers typically care more about practices
than principles.  They will thus comfortably ban Internet
gambling on the assumption that history has demonstrated
the legitimacy of prohibiting, or at least heavily regu-
lating, games of chance.
Of course, history alone could never defeat the moral
argument for the right to gamble.  Somewhat surprisingly,
however, history does not even support lawmakers who would
infringe on that right.  Gambling in fact played a major
role in the personal and political lives of the Founders
of the United States.  The infamous Stamp Act, which trig-
gered the shot at Concord "heard round the world," infuri-
ated colonists by taxing playing cards and dice.70   Thomas
Jefferson, while drafting the Declaration of Independence,
relaxed by gambling on backgammon, cards, and bingo.71
Jefferson later declared the lottery preferable to conven-
tional means of raising government revenue on grounds that
it is "a tax laid on the willing only."72
Benjamin Franklin--using his era's most advanced tech-
nology--printed a good portion of the colonies' playing
cards.73   George Washington regularly bet on horses, gambled
in card games, and bought lottery tickets.74   Washington
also managed public lotteries, as did Franklin and John
Hancock.75   Lotteries even helped to pay for the first home
of the U.S. Congress,76 as well as for public buildings
throughout the new U.S. capital.77
Clearly, the Founders embraced gambling as part of
their inalienable right to "the Pursuit of Happiness."