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WEU security institutions and improve the quality, consis-
tency, impact, and profile of their operations. To a
great extent, it was precisely the lack of such a robust,
European-level security architecture in 1992-1995 that
inhibited the Continent's ability to handle the crisis in
its own backyard in Bosnia.
Over the past few years, NATO has taken the initial
steps to enable the WEU to undertake such a project.
Indeed, by beginning to develop procedures for releasing
certain NATO assets to the WEU, designating NATO's deputy
supreme allied commander as Europe's prospective strategic
commander, and identifying NATO officers who could be
loaned to European operations, NATO has recognized that
circumstances exist in which Europe might act militarily
without employing the full apparatus of the transatlantic
alliance, i.e., the United States. Kosovo presents Europe
with an opportunity to commence building that security
architecture. As former U.S. ambassador to NATO Robert E.
Hunter explains, "The Balkans is the place to test the
possibilities that now exist for a true European security
and defense identity."79 More American military involvement
in the Balkans will set back that goal and perpetuate
Europe's security dependence on the United States.
Conclusion
Given the contradictions and counterproductive poten-
tial of Washington's current Kosovo policy, there is a
compelling case to stay out of the dispute altogether.
Specifically, the interventionist path the Clinton adminis-
tration is now on could further encourage the KLA, widen
the conflict, set back the prospect of democratic reform
in Yugoslavia, perpetuate European security dependence on
the United States, and mire Americans in another
internecine conflict in the Balkans.
Notes
1. See John Wilkes, The Illyrians (Oxford: Blackwell,
1992).
2. Noel Malcolm, "The Violent History of Kosovo Doesn't
Justify 'Ethnic Cleansing,'" Washington Times, April 14,
1998, p. A16.
3. Noel Malcolm, Kosovo: A Short History (New York: New
York University Press, 1998), p. 282.