Cato Institute
Policy Analysis
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Page 20
The first step of that transformation was Bosnia,
which set a precedent for NATO operations outside the geo-
graphic territory of its member states.  Before that,
NATO's purpose was to defend the borders of alliance mem-
bers against external threats, particularly the Soviet
Union.  By the end of the Cold War, however, NATO was an
alliance in search of a purpose, and peacekeeping present-
ed it with an opportunity to justify its continued exis-
tence.  In the case of Bosnia, though, the national gov-
ernment in Sarajevo approved of NATO intervention.  In the
case of Kosovo, the national government of Yugoslavia
adamantly opposes intervention.  If NATO goes ahead any-
way, it will set an entirely new precedent: NATO can con-
duct "out-of-area" operations even if the government of
the country in question objects to it.
That dangerous enlargement of NATO's purview exposes
the United States to possible involvement in conflicts all
around the world.  Indeed, if NATO can intervene in
Kosovo, it can theoretically intervene anywhere.  That is
an especially ominous prospect, given Secretary of State
Madeleine K. Albright's statement earlier this year that
NATO should extend its geographic reach beyond the
European continent and evolve into "a force for peace from
the Middle East to Central Africa."78   Kosovo is just one
of many places in the world where a minority group within
an established state has engaged in a violent effort to
break away: Armenians in Azerbaijan, Christians in Sudan,
Kurds in Turkey and Iraq, Tamils in Sri Lanka, Kashmiri
Muslims in India, Karens in Burma, Tibetans and Uighurs in
China, Chechens in Russia, Abkhazis in Georgia, and so on.
Europe's Role
If America's European allies ignore all the aforemen-
tioned dangers and nevertheless decide that intervening in
Kosovo is in their interests, any military or humanitarian
mission that follows should be carried out as a Western
European Union (WEU) operation that does not require a
U.S. troop commitment.  That's because it is Europe, not
the United States, that is most affected by events in the
Balkans.
In carrying out a European-led mission, the WEU would
take a long overdue step in building its own security and
defense identity, one that does not depend psychologically
and militarily on the transatlantic participation of the
United States.  Not only would that make those nations
closest to Kosovo responsible for maintaining regional sta-
bility, but it would also strengthen the credibility of