Cato Institute
Policy Analysis
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Page 11
be recalled that in his November 1995 address making the
case for sending U.S. troops to Bosnia, President Clinton
assured the American public that the operation he was pro-
posing had a "clear, limited and achievable" mission and
that the total deployment "should and will take about one
year."39   Since then, the president has twice changed his
mind about U.S. troop withdrawal, and Washington now has
an open-ended troop commitment to Bosnia.
It should also be recalled that the Clinton adminis-
tration claimed that the Bosnia intervention would be a
strictly military operation.  As Deputy Secretary of State
Strobe Talbott explained in a November 1995 speech, "There
will be no 'mission creep'--from purely military tasks
into 'nation-building.'"40   But it is now known that
President Clinton allowed U.S. forces to be used to help
elect Prime Minister Milorad Dodik, and that the U.S.-
backed representative in charge of implementing the Dayton
Peace Accords designed Bosnia's first national currency,
imposed a national flag, and is working on a national
anthem--examples of nation-building at its most basic.41
Fourth, NATO intervention of any kind in Kosovo could
cause the already deeply flawed Dayton Peace Accords in
Bosnia to completely unravel.  Indeed, if it appears that
Washington is facilitating Kosovo's secession, Bosnian
Serbs could interpret that as a sign of a broader anti-
Serb Western agenda.  Not only would that expose NATO
troops stationed in Bosnia to possible acts of retribution
like those that occurred against the American Marines in
Beirut in the 1980s, it would also threaten to undermine
the fragile U.S.-brokered peace there as well.
On the other hand, if Washington appears to be fore-
stalling Kosovo's independence by enforcing some sort of
autonomy or republic status within Yugoslavia, NATO troops
could find themselves trying to contain a still independ-
ence-minded KLA.  That would mean that Americans would be
fighting Milosevic's battle for him.  And according to
Alexander Vasovic, a military expert with independent Radio
B92 in Belgrade, a war in Kosovo will "be like Algeria or
Vietnam. . . . [Soldiers will] be isolated in military
compounds.  The Kosovo Liberation Army will control the
rest."42
Encouraging the KLA
Another significant problem with NATO intervention of
any kind in Kosovo is that it might actually encourage the
KLA in its militant drive to break away from Yugoslavia.