Cato Institute
Policy Analysis
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Page 5
were "always ready to tell sympathetic journalists an
account of their suffering under the Serbian regime . . .
foreign observers failed to notice that, although the
Serbs were supposed to be the oppressors, they themselves
were departing from Kosovo, complaining about the destruc-
tion of property, the desecration of graves, and many
assaults and rapes."11
Enter Slobodan Milosevic
In April 1987, over 60,000 Serbs from Kosovo signed a
petition calling on the government in Belgrade to stop the
ethnic violence and intimidation aimed at them.12   In an
opportunistic attempt to raise his political profile, then
Serbian Communist Party president Slobodan Milosevic trav-
eled to Kosovo and played the nationalist card, proclaim-
ing to Serbs everywhere, "No one should dare beat you
again."13   By October 1987, federal riot police and army
troops were deployed in Kosovo following demonstrations by
thousands of Serbs protesting an alleged comment by a
Kosovar Albanian leader that "the incidents of [ethnic]
Albanians raping Serbian women could be reduced if more
Serbian women worked as prostitutes."14   In 1989, Belgrade
downgraded Kosovo's autonomy to its pre-1974 level, and
Milosevic was elected president of Serbia, with 65 percent
of the vote.  As Aleksa Djilas later noted in Foreign
Affairs, Milosevic "succeeded because he understood the
power of fear and knew how to use it for his own purpos-
es."15
Following the reduction of Kosovo's autonomy, Belgrade
imposed "emergency measures" in Kosovo, summarily dismiss-
ing thousands of ethnic Albanians from state-sector jobs.
No part of Kosovo's society was left untouched.  Even the
provincial theater in Pristina was placed under "emergency
management" and the theater manager removed by police
officers and replaced by a Serb.  The greatest changes,
however, occurred in education: The teaching of Albanian
history, literature, and language was reduced to a mini-
mum.  Also, ethnic Albanian students were forbidden from
enrolling in secondary school unless they could pass
Serbian literature and language examinations, which few
could do.16
In 1991, ethnic Albanians responded to their dimin-
ished autonomy by forming a shadow government, complete
with a president, a parliament, a tax system, and schools.
Shadow president Ibrahim Rugova has since worked for
Kosovo's independence through peaceful means, but a more
militant group has emerged.