Cato Institute
Policy Analysis
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Defense and Secretary Rumsfeld, like many in
Defense. ORHA chief Jay Garner intended to
the administration, were adverse to state-
hand power to a sovereign Iraqi government
building and wanted the army out of Iraq in
within 90 days of the invasion, but he was
months, come hell or high water.38 In Feb-
quickly replaced by Bremer, who had a far
more ambitious agenda. With the White
ruary 2003, Rumsfeld predicted that the war
House's blessing, the CPA decided to trans-
"could last six days, six weeks. I doubt six
months."39
form Iraq into a stable democracy complete
with Western political freedoms and a market
Given the secretary's preferences, it is not
economy. The idea of a swift exit and transfer
surprising that OSD ignored its rivals when
of power disappeared.34
the president gave it control of postwar plan-
ning in January 2003. Pentagon officials, for
Once the Bush administration embarked on
instance, were told not to attend CIA war-
this course, it might have relied on any number
games, which explored the possibility of vio-
of reports, including thousands of pages of doc-
lent political conflict and chaos after Saddam's
uments on countless aspects of postwar stabi-
fall.40 Likewise, Rumsfeld, apparently following
lization and reconstruction issues that had
been prepared prior to the war.35 Most notable
orders from Vice President Cheney, forced Jay
Garner to prevent Thomas Warrick, who had
was the State Department's Future of Iraq
headed the Future of Iraq Project, from joining
Project, a large panel of Iraqi exiles, U.S. diplo-
ORHA in Kuwait.41
mats, academics, and other specialists convened
to examine the potential problems of and pros-
The CIA prepared two different estimates
pects for postwar Iraq.
pertaining to post-war conditions, one warn-
Critics of the project correctly note that it
ing about what American occupation forces
did not produce a precise reconstruction
were likely to encounter in Iraq, the other per-
plan.36 What it produced was the nearly 1,000-
taining to developments in the region. Both
of those estimates proved to be prescient, in
page long Future of Iraq Study. Although it
that they anticipated that the ethnic and sec-
was not a step-by step-guide to stabilizing Iraq,
tarian tensions in Iraq would make it difficult
the report foresaw a number of problems that
to establish a liberal democracy there that
would need to be taken up over the course of
would then serve as a model for the region.
the postwar stabilizations operations. Based
But when Paul Pillar, at the time the national
on this and other work, done both inside and
intelligence officer for the Near East and
outside of the government, the Bush adminis-
South Asia, put those estimates to the presi-
tration, according to James Dobbins, "should
dent and his senior advisers, one of the offi-
have anticipated that when the old regime col-
The Future
cials told Pillar: "You just don't see the possi-
lapsed, there would be a period of disorder, a
bilities; you are too negative."42 "It was clear,"
vacuum of power. . . . They should have antici-
of Iraq Project
pated extremist elements would seek to fill this
Pillar explained, "that the Bush administra-
was ignored
vacuum of power."37
tion would frown on or ignore analysis that
because the Bush
called into question a decision to go to war
The problem with the Future of Iraq
and welcome analysis that supported such a
Project was less that it could not be imple-
administration
decision."43
mented than that it was ignored, like all other
assigned the task
plans that foresaw a complex occupation. The
Certainly the Pentagon's occupation plan
of managing the
reason it was ignored was that the Bush
required a great deal of wishful thinking. For
administration assigned the task of managing
example, the Pentagon, and presumably the
occupation to the
the occupation to the Department of Defense,
president, believed that resistance would be
Department of
whose leaders did not want one. The State
light and that a new liberal Iraqi leader could
Department launched the Future of Iraq
be implanted without the need for a long-term
Defense, whose
Project because of a belief that a war would
military presence. Notions about Iraqi unity
leaders did not
require a prolonged effort to rebuild a func-
were equally fanciful. Indeed, the Bush admin-
want one.
tional state. The Office of the Secretary of
istration and its supporters went out of their
7