What prevents
American leaders are saying, we will have a
Introduction
national security bureaucracy capable of imple-
stability in Iraq
menting our policies; next time, in other words,
is not American
we will get it right.
There is a strange consensus developing
policy but
The consensus is wrong and dangerous.
among American foreign policy experts about
What Iraq demonstrates is a need for a new
the war in Iraq. Most agree that the war will
the absence of a
national security strategy, not better tactics
not have been worthwhile, whatever precari-
political solution
and tools to serve the current one. By insist-
ous success American forces can still achieve.
ing that there was a right way to remake Iraq,
Despite that failure, foreign policy experts in
to the communal
we ignore the limits on our power that the
both parties mostly agree that with better
and sectarian
enterprise has exposed and we risk repeating
planning, more troops, better counterinsur-
divisions there.
our mistake. Deposing Saddam Hussein was
gency doctrine, and more cooperation among
relatively simple. Creating a new state to rule
U.S. government agencies, Iraq could have
been stabilized.1 The experts fear, however,
Iraq was nearly impossible, at least at a rea-
sonable cost. What prevents stability in Iraq
that Iraq will sour Americans on future inter-
is not American policy but the absence of a
ventions--that an "Iraq syndrome" will pre-
political solution to the communal and sec-
vent the United States from embarking on
future state-building missions.2 To most
tarian divisions there. Our invasion exposed
those rifts but their repair is beyond our
experts, this syndrome would be dangerous.
power. Maybe the United States can improve
For even if Iraq is lost, the consensus view says,
its ability to manage occupations, but the
the war on terrorism will require the United
principal lesson Iraq teaches is to avoid them.
States to repair failed states, lest they spawn
Not all state-building missions pose the chal-
terrorism.
lenges Iraq does, but most of these missions
To analysts who share these views, Iraq is
are extremely costly, most of them fail, and
not an example of what not to do but of how
most of them corrode American power.
not to do it. It is an experiment that teaches
This paper shows that the conventional
Americans lessons about how to manage for-
explanations for why we have failed to achieve
eign populations. Based in part on these
our stated aims in Iraq nearly five years after
lessons, Washington is reforming the national
the war began--poor governmental planning
security bureaucracy to make it a better servant
and coordination in preparing for the occupa-
of a strategy that requires military occupations,
tion, too few troops, and misconceived coun-
state-building, and counterinsurgency opera-
terinsurgency doctrine--cannot explain the
tions--what the military calls reconstruction
and stabilization.3
persistent violence in Iraq. We also discuss why
there are limits to what planning, coordina-
To that end, the president and Congress
tion, and counterinsurgency doctrine can
recently agreed to expand the size of our
accomplish in war. We conclude by noting
ground forces in the hope that our next inter-
that because there are few good reasons to
vention will not fall short of troops. Think
take on missions meant to resuscitate failed
tanks across the ideological spectrum busy
governments, terrorism notwithstanding, we
themselves with plans to improve the coordi-
should not much lament these limits on
nation of national security agencies for the
American power.
next occupation and to prepare diplomats, sol-
diers, and bureaucrats to staff it.4 A new state-
building office in the State Department draws
The Size of the
up plans for ordering various failed or unruly
states.5 An array of defense experts offer advice
Occupation Force
on counterinsurgency doctrine and insist that
the military services embrace it.6 The services
Perhaps the most common complaint
say that they already have done so. Next time,
about the American occupation of Iraq is
2