cost. As a result, the total cost to Americans of all protection against foreign-made
products comes to about $1,500 a year for a family of four.6
One argument that cannot be made for free trade is that it benefits everyone
equally or immediately. The dislocation caused by trade can be painful for workers and
investors in industries that are becoming relatively less competitive. Our response to the
uneven effects of trade should not be protection but rather enhancement of the ability of
workers and business to adjust to change by making our domestic markets more flexible.
After all, technology itself causes dislocation. Consider what has happened to the
typewriter industry in the past 20 years, or the horse-and-buggy business in the 1920s.
Should the government attempt to "save jobs" by slowing the introduction of new
products and technology? That is essentially what protectionists want to do. Like modern
Luddites, opponents of free trade seek to slow economic progress at its source rather than
adjust to the consequences of a dynamic free market.
Fast Track, Necessary Track
The case for fast-track authority is simple: The most promising approach for
advancing free trade in today's international political economy is through negotiated
trade agreements, and those agreements will be difficult if not impossible to reach if the
President of the United States is denied fast-track authority.
Of course, negotiated agreements are not the only way to advance free trade. A
strong economic case can be made for unilateral trade liberalization. By lowering our
own barriers to trade regardless of what other countries do, the United States would make
its own economy more efficient and its citizens freer to control the fruits of their own
labor. It would also offer a powerful example to other nations of the benefits of an open
economy.7
Negotiated trade agreements can also advance economic liberty. By linking lower
barriers at home with reciprocal liberalization abroad, a country's import consumers and
export industries can be brought together in a powerful protrade coalition. Agreements
also reduce the chances of a destructive trade war by effectively locking in lower trade
barriers through mutual agreement. Finally, it's hard to argue with success. American
participation in eight rounds of GATT and in free-trade agreements with Canada and
Mexico has helped bring global trade barriers to historic lows and to keep them down.
Fast-track authority is not a gimmick. It allows the president to submit a
negotiated trade treaty to Congress for an up-or-down vote without the possibility of
amendment. Without assurance of a fast-track vote, foreign governments would find it
virtually impossible to negotiate with the U.S. executive branch because any treaty they
agreed to could be rewritten by Congress. Negotiations would be pointless.
Fast-track authority was first granted in the Trade Act of 1974. Since then every
U.S. president, from Gerald Ford to Bill Clinton, has been granted authority to negotiate
4