After Eight Years of Losses, End the Government’s Postal Monopoly

The United States Postal Service lost $5.5 billion last year. That is the eighth annual loss in a row and the third highest ever. The only good news is that it remains below the red ink tsunami of $15.9 billion in 2012.

Why does the federal government deliver the mail? Why does it have a monopoly over delivering the mail?

The Postal Service one of the few government programs with actual constitutional warrant. Alas, America’s revolutionaries turned the system into a fount of federal patronage.  Local postmasters became perhaps the president’s most important appointments. The Postmaster General was a member of the Cabinet from 1829 to 1971.

With politics rather than service the PO’s priority, Congress took the next step and approved the Private Express Statutes, preventing anyone from competing with the government in delivering first class mail.   

That left the system ill-equipped to adapt to changing circumstances. In 1971 Congress turned the Post Office into the semi-independent USPS but retained its control over postal policies and, of course, preserved the system’s delivery monopoly.

Banning competition could not preserve the postal market.  The number of pieces of mail peaked in 2001 and continues to fall despite a rising population. USPS’s last profitable year was 2006.

With characteristic understatement, observed the Government Accountability Office:  “Given its financial problems and outlook, USPS cannot support its current level of service and operations.”

The postal unions insist that nothing is wrong—at least, nothing which a federal bail-out wouldn’t solve.  They reserve particular ire for the requirement that USPS prefund workers’ retirement.

But prefunding protects taxpayers. Washington’s unfunded (government) retirement liability is about $800 billion, growing every year.  Only USPS must prefund, which is unfair to taxpayers, not the postal service. 

There’s no other obvious way for USPS to become solvent.  Over the last half century the postal authorities raised rates 50 percent faster than the rate of inflation.  Pushing hikes even faster in the future would encourage more people to use alternatives. 

USPS has reduced costs through facility closures and staff reductions despite strong opposition.  Cuts in compensation, retirement benefits, and workforce levels and improvements in productivity also are obvious responses, but must overcome union opposition. 

Proposals for reducing services abound.  All of these anger consumers, encouraging them to go elsewhere—including to Federal Express and UPS, which offer better options for packages.  Irritated workers and customers also complain to Congress, creating political roadblocks for USPS.

Instead of attempting to save an unnecessary political monopoly, Congress should look abroad where numerous countries, some pushed by the European Union, have introduced competition and innovation into their postal markets. 

The Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development reported that such reforms had yielded “quality of service improvements, increases in profitability, increases in employment and real reductions in prices.”  Only in the supposed laissez faire paradise of America—where a union-led “Grand Alliance to Save Our Public Postal Service” just formed to ensure that whatever has been will forever be—do such ideas seem radical. 

Yet even President Barack Obama admitted a few years back that “it’s the post office that’s always having problems.”  In contrast, “UPS and FedEx are doing just fine.” 

Better management and less politics would help.  In fact, revenue was up a bit last year, despite the bigger loss.  But over the long-term USPS cannot escape from a seeming death spiral of bigger losses, higher rates, poorer services, fewer customers, bigger losses, and so on.

As I contend in the Freeman:  “Uncle Sam should ease out of the postal business.  Privatize USPS and drop the federal first class monopoly.  No one can say for sure what would happen.  But history suggests that innovative entrepreneurs would be more likely to find a cost-effective solution than will today’s mix of politicians and bureaucrats.”

Ignoring the Evidence Doesn’t Make It Disappear

If a study shows the benefits of school choice, but you don’t read it, does it really exist?

Apparently not, at least according to Americans United for Separation of Church and State (AU), an organization ideologically committed to opposing school choice. In a blog post today, AU makes this demonstrably false claim:

For example, voucher boosters often assert that students who receive vouch­ers excel academically in private schools. In fact, no objective study has shown this to be the case. Several studies show that voucher students perform the same or worse academically as their peers in public schools.

In reality, there have been 13 randomized controlled gold standard studies of the effect of school choice policies, all but one of which found a statistically significant positive impact. One study found no discernible impact and none found any harm. For AU’s benefit, here is a sampling:

  • William G. Howell and Paul E. Peterson, The Education Gap: Vouchers and Urban Schools, Brookings Institution, 2002, revised 2006. – After two years, African-American voucher students had combined reading and math scores 6.5 percentile points higher than the control group.
  • Jay P. Greene, “Vouchers in Charlotte,” Education Next, Summer 2001. – After one year, voucher students had combined reading and math scores 6 percentile points higher than the control group.
  • Jay P. Greene, Paul E. Peterson, and Jiangtao Du, “School Choice in Milwaukee: A Randomized Experiment,” in Learning From School Choice, ed. Paul Peterson and Bryan Hassel, Brookings Institution, 1998, pp. 335-56. – After four years, voucher students had reading scores 6 Normal Curve Equivalent (NCE) points higher than the control group, and math scores 11 points higher. NCE points are similar to percentile points.

None of these findings are earth shattering, but each study found a statistically significant positive outcome overall or for certain subgroups, particularly low-income African-Americans who are currently the most choice-deprived. Moreover, these studies were conducted by experienced researchers at some of the most widely respected academic and research institutions in the world, including Harvard, Princeton, the University of Chicago, and the Brookings Institution.

In another blog post, AU does point to the one gold standard study that found a null result, a reexamination of the Peterson/Howell study of New York’s private scholarship program. However, AU never mentions that this reexamination employed unorthodox methods and classifications, or that a further reexamination of the data by other researchers at Harvard and the Cleveland Clinic Foundation confirmed the initial findings.

The AU staff can continue to close their eyes and stick their fingers in their ears, but they should stop making the false assertion that there is “no evidence” that students benefit from school choice.

China: Hot Money In, Now Out

For some years, hot money flowed in, adding massively to China’s foreign reserve stockpile. Speculators borrowed cheaply in U.S. dollars and bought yuan-denominated assets in anticipation of an ever-appreciating yuan. Well, this carry trade has shifted into reverse, with $91 billion in net outflows in the last quarter of 2014. And with that, the ever-appreciating yuan story has come to a close, too. Indeed, the yuan has lost 1.8% against the greenback since the New Year.

A clear picture of the drag that the hot money outflows are putting on China is shown by inspecting the annual growth rate in the People’s Republic of China’s net foreign assets. With the reserve of the carry trade, the slowdown in net foreign assets growth has been pronounced.   

This, in turn, has reduced the foreign asset component of the growth in China’s money supply, putting a squeeze on the economy’s fuel supply. Indeed, China’s money growth rate has fallen well below its trend rate since mid-2012.

In an attempt to reverse the slump in China’s money supply growth, the People’s Bank has just reduced its benchmark interest rates for the second time in three months. A wise move.

Boris Nemtsov, RIP

The murder of Boris Nemtsov in the immediate proximity of the Kremlin seems to be an important milestone in Russia’s descent into darkness. As Deputy Prime Minister in the late 1990s and as an opposition politician during the era of Vladimir Putin, Mr. Nemtsov was a voice for a more liberal, open, and democratic Russia.

Notwithstanding a certain degree of restraint in his criticism of the Russian government, his work as one of the central figures of Russian opposition reflected great personal courage. In spite of a history of frequent arrests, in the past year, he positioned himself as an important domestic critic of Russia’s war against Ukraine.

He was not a stranger to free market ideas or to the work of the Cato Institute, which has been trying to support the transition of Soviet Russia to markets since its landmark 1990 Moscow conference, Transition to Freedom: The New Soviet Challenge.  One decade later, Mr. Nemtsov spoke at a Cato conference on the privatization of pension systems around the world.

The circumstances of Mr. Nemtsov’s death are extremely disconcerting, especially in the light of the track record of Mr. Putin’s regime. Mr. Nemtsov was killed two days before the planned demonstration against Mr. Putin’s war against Ukraine. He feared for his life as he was preparing to publish new evidence on the presence of Russian troops in Eastern Ukraine. And the ‘investigation’ of his murder started on Friday night, with the police ransacking his apartment and confiscating his documents and hard drives.

Mr. Putin’s facetious promise that he will “personally oversee the investigation” strongly suggests we will never learn the names of Mr. Nemtsov’s murderers. But it is safe to say that a country in which opposition politicians of Mr. Nemtsov’s stature have to fear for their lives is a on a very dismal path.

The Libertarian Mind Is Fareed Zakaria’s “Book of the Week”

On CNN’s GPS, Fareed Zakaria declared The Libertarian Mind “the Book of the Week.” Here’s the transcript:

This week’s book of the week is David Boaz’s “The Libertarian Mind: A Manifesto for Freedom.” People often wonder what it means when someone describes himself or herself as a libertarian. And that includes people like Rand Paul, Alan Greenspan and Peter Thiel. David Boaz does a superb job of explaining the ideas that animate an important philosophical tradition, and he does it with passion. For anyone interested in politics, this is a valuable resource and a well-written book.

And here’s the 30-second video:

The show ran last Sunday, so today is probably the last day of its reign as “Book of the Week.” Buy The Libertarian Mind today.

U.S. Trying (and Failing) to Contain the Spread of European ‘Geographical Indications’

One of the European Union’s highest priorities in trade negotiations is to globalize its restrictions on the use of place names as generic product descriptions. When they negotiate a trade agreement, they insist that the other country adopt regulations requiring that, for example, all champagne come from Champagne and all parmesan cheese come from Parma. The United States, worried that these rules limit access for U.S. products, is trying to use its own trade agreements to contain the effects of Europe’s push to protect “geographical indications” (GIs) in countries around the world.

Europe’s GI protections restrict the flow of accurate information while reducing competition and innovation. GI protection is not about preventing consumer confusion or false advertising; European rules forbid the use of place names even when phrases like “style” or “type” are added. 

One often overlooked but essential aspect of GI regulation is that use of a protected name requires not only physical location in that place but also adherence to government-mandated production practices.  “Authentic” champagne is therefore not only made in Champagne, but made a specific way required by law. 

By operating this way, the system functions not only to capitalize on a collective brand but also to reduce competition among producers. Once all the producers in a particular country (say, France) are divided by region and style, the industry starts looking a lot like a cartel. There may be multiple producers, but they all agree to keep making the same thing in the same place forever. They no longer have to compete on product quality.

U.S. trade negotiators are rightly resisting efforts to spread this anticompetitive regulatory scheme to other countries. As it stands, there is almost no chance that the United States could convince the EU or its member states to drop their GI regulations. But it is also unlikely that the United States will acquiesce to European demands to adopt such a system here, especially for meats and cheeses.

The battle over GIs is therefore being waged in other countries as the EU and the United States both use trade agreements to influence how GIs are protected in foreign markets. Commercially, the question is whether U.S. companies can continue to sell their generic brands abroad.

Casualties of the Drug War

Yesterday, the international aid organization Health Poverty Action released a new study on the effects of the global drug war. The report is entitled, “Casualties of War: How the War on Drugs Is Harming the World’s Poorest.”

From its introduction:

Since the mid-twentieth century, global drug policy has been dominated by strict prohibition, which tries to force people to stop possessing, using and producing drugs by making them illegal.

This approach, which has come to be known as the ‘War on Drugs’, has not only failed to achieve its goals—it is fuelling poverty, undermining health, and failing some of the poorest and most marginalised communities worldwide.

Both in the United States and around the world, the War on Drugs has been a humanitarian catastrophe and a financial money pit. Interdiction often harms indigent farmers who grow the coca and poppy plants for meager financial return while the global drug marketplace continues to meet high demand. Prohibition-fueled violence among rival cartels and gangs invariably spills over to claim innocent lives. For those reasons, it is no exaggeration to say that the $100 billion spent on global drug prohibition annually takes food off the tables of the poor and leaves many more dead from violence.

Well-meaning people can disagree about what is best to spend that $100 billion on—vaccines, food aid, micro-loans, infrastructure, clean water projects, drug treatment, etc.—but a growing number of people would say it would be better spent not fighting the Drug War.

Read the whole report here.