Topic: Trade and Immigration

Green Industrial Policy: Taxes, Subsidies, and Privilege

After lengthy investigations by multiple federal agencies, the United States is going to impose a tax ranging from 45 percent to 70 percent on all imported wind towers from China and Vietnam. Manufacturers in those countries are doing too good a job and it’s harming the U.S. wind tower industry.

These duties come on the heels of similar levies (18–250 percent) imposed on Chinese solar panels.

For anyone who wants to see more “green” energy production, these duties are a direct step backwards. Both the wind and solar industries are heavily subsidized by U.S. taxpayers. If the goal of subsidizing green energy is to reduce carbon emissions and protect the environment, then taxing green energy would necessarily serve the opposite goal.

Aside from the general follies of protectionism, this contradiction also exposes the problems inherent in pursuing a policy to promote “green jobs” as a corollary of a broader environmental policy.

Green jobs policy is formed as follows.  First you use subsidies to distort incentives and increase investment in wind and solar power.  This creates green jobs that the market can’t support without those subsidies.  Other countries then do the same, but their manufacturers are better than yours.  So to protect the new green jobs you created, you impose tariffs to prevent green competition from harming the green investments you artificially incentivized.

The result is domestic industries ultimately dependent on government intervention rather than consumer choice.  It’s not a good way to promote jobs or green energy, but it does benefit the specific firms who now get unearned money both from taxpayers through the subsidies and from consumers through higher prices.

A troubling consequence of this paradigm is that the targeted industries develop a culture of rent-seeking.  Matthew Mitchell of the Mercatus Center aptly describes this phenomenon in his paper, “The Pathology of Privilege: The Economic Consequences of Government Favoritism.”  Firms respond to the availability of government favors by devoting time, money, and effort to acquire privilege.  The more they do it, the better they get at it.

Success in the wind and solar industries doesn’t depend on a company’s ability to deliver high-quality products at a competitive price; it depends on the quality of the company’s lawyers and lobbyists. In this way, government intervention has done far more to harm the development and success of domestically produced green energy than has transient Chinese competition.

Russia Responds by Punishing Orphans

When Congress passed legislation this month establishing permanent normal trade relations with Russia, it included travel and financial sanctions against Russians accused of gross human rights violations, particularly those involved in the suspicious death of anti-corruption whistleblower Sergei Magnitsky. At the time, I counseled against “poking Russian officials in the eye with sanctions.” The Russian legislature is currently contemplating its response to that poke, and it doesn’t look good.

Having made clear its intention to retaliate in some way for the Magnitsky bill, which it deemed a national insult and intrusion into domestic affairs, Russia has decided to target America’s own human rights abusers—adoptive parents of Russian orphans. Russian media have been fueling a controversy over abuse by American parents of adopted Russian children, and the Magnitsky bill gave the legislature in Moscow an opportunity to kill two birds with one stone. At first, Russian leaders called for a travel ban on specific people accused of abuse in an obvious parallel to the U.S. sanctions. The current proposal under consideration is to ban all adoptions by American citizens.

Russia has an impressive surplus of orphans and is one the most common countries of origin for international adoptions in the United States. Thousands of children will be denied access to loving families. Not all the blame lies with Congress and its attempt to be a global human rights cop, but the end surely condemns the means.

 

Did the Profit Motive Spark the Recent Asian Factory Fires?

[This is an expanded version of my opinion piece in the New York Times online, today.]

Critics of capitalism and globalization have rendered judgment: Western apparel brands and big box retailers, in their zeal to perpetuate and profit from soulless, rampant consumerism, are to blame for the recent, tragic fires in Bangladeshi and Pakistani apparel factories. Fealty to nothing but the bottom line, so the story goes, drives investment toward the low wages that persist alongside lax health, environmental, and safety standards. Such characterizations evoke Friedrich Engels’ mid-19th century Manchester. Abuse and tragedy are inevitable… unless good people speak out.

(For a sampling of these viewpoints, just Google “factory fire Bangladesh” or read some of the views and comments at “Room for Debate.”)

Most outspoken people express empathy for the victims and sadness about the recent tragedies and then proceed to vent their rage against capitalism and globalization without considering how those processes have improved the lives of billions of people in developing countries. Those for whom feeling crowds-out thinking tend to assume someone can just wave a magic wand and rid the planet of poverty. If Walmart and Target and Sears and Tommy Hilfiger and L.L. Bean weren’t so damn greedy, the thinking goes, life would be better for workers in poor countries.

It’s a bit rich to see enlightened, cosmopolitan members of the media elite expressing disdain for consumerism and demanding greater accountability from the retailers and brands, when their own advertising-revenue-dependent employers are just as complicit (if that’s the right word) in fueling consumerism. Yesterday, when clicking to the second page of this online New York Times story, which seems to confer blame for 112 deaths in Bangladesh on Western brands and retailers, I was mugged by a pop-up ad for Banana Republic. (Hey, before finishing this article, you must spend $199 on this faux-safari outfit or $99 on these seersucker picnic trousers.)

If Walmart is responsible for insuring safety at the factories with which it contracts because the relationship enhances it’s bottom line , shouldn’t the networks, the newspapers, and the magazine publishers (who profit from Walmart’s advertising budget and whose ads perpetuate consumerism) be accountable, too? Alas, nothing would cause greater deforestation than a project cataloging the hypocrisy of the sanctimonious Left – except, perhaps, a project documenting the hypocrisy of the puritanical Right.

Obviously, developing country factory conditions do not appeal to rich-country sensibilities. But the proper comparison is not between wages and conditions in a factory in Dhaka, Bangladesh and Dayton, Ohio. More appropriate is to consider the alternatives that would exist in poor countries in the absence of Western investment. In a series of articles over the years, New York Times columnist Nicholas Kristof has argued that factory work offers a step up the ladder for billions of impoverished people around the world. His stories about the subsistence options confronting Cambodian women before the arrival of apparel factories – picking through garbage dumps, backbreaking agricultural work, and prostitution – remind us to not make the perfect the enemy of the good.

Of course that doesn’t justify an unsafe work environment. And, in fact, Western investment in developing country factories, whether through ownership or partnership with local owners, tends to raise the average wage, improve the health and safety conditions of the workplace, and reduce the average environmental impacts. Why? Because of that reviled profit motive.

Western companies usually offer wages that are higher than the local average to attract the most productive workers. Those companies are protective of their brands, which in some cases are their most valuable assets. Labor or environmental abuse, lax safety standards, and unhealthy or hazardous products associated with the brand are detrimental to the bottom line. As cold as that may sound, those considerations compel companies to submit to third party verifications of all sorts of working conditions because they have incentives, through the market, to get it right (or, perhaps more aptly, disincentives to get it wrong).

Exposure of labor abuses, safety violations, tainted products, environmental degradation, and other social ills associated with a brand or a retailer hurts to bottom line. Thus, company management doesn’t necessarily have to have genuine empathy for its workers and concern for the environment when there are proper incentives in place to compel them to behave as if they do have genuine empathy or concern for the environment. Bad press and bad perceptions can quickly degrade or destroy a brand in an age where the public increasingly demands social accountability as an attribute of the products and services it consumes. The verdict of the marketplace can be swift and unambiguous. Just ask Mattel, whose bottom line took a beating during the lead-paint-in-kids-toys debacle a few years ago or Nike, which has suffered boycotts and profit suppression over the years for allegedly contracting with “sweatshops.”

Critics wrongly complain that there’s little accountability. There is accountability, but that doesn’t insure against all accidents or abuses. There are industrial accidents and abuses in U.S. workplaces. But what if there were no Western investment in poor countries? What employment options would the locals have? Working for a local factory? Okay, but there is certain to be much less accountability under that arrangement. Western investment in developing country factories and just doing business with locals brings much greater accountability to the work environment. It doesn’t mean there won’t be any problems, but without that investment, abuses and tragedies would be more frequent.

The most prominent entities in the supply chain will be held to account for these fires, and safety procedures and infrastructure will surely be evaluated and upgraded, not only in Pakistan and Bangladesh, but in whatever jurisdictions these entities’ supply chains traverse. Tragedies have provided teaching moments throughout history. Unfortunately, one lesson that hasn’t been absorbed by enough Americans is that capitalism and globalization are making life much better for people in developing countries.

Working on Trade Policy Can Be Depressing

This is from a Washington Post article on a recent survey of federal workers:

The Office of the U.S. Trade Representative ranks as the worst small agency, [with 32.7 percent of employees saying they are satisfied]. Former employees said its sense of mission was eroded by an ambivalent attitude toward free trade early in the Obama administration and during the economic crisis. Views of the agency’s leaders plummeted 18.9 percentage points over 2011.

Here’s hoping that the Obama administration will push harder for free trade in the second term, for the good of the country and to cheer up the folks at the U.S. Trade Representative’s office!

Exporting Natural Gas

Suddenly, due to improved drilling techniques, the U.S. is overflowing with natural gas, driving down domestic prices. But foreign prices remain high, which means there is an opportunity for us to export natural gas.  Unfortunately, the infrastructure does not currently exist. To transport natural gas across the ocean, you have to liquefy it first. We have the facilities to import liquefied natural gas, but not to liquefy it ourselves and export.  In order to start exporting, we need to build the appropriate facilities, which requires regulatory approval from the Energy Department. A number of applications have been made to build new facilities.

So why wouldn’t the Energy Department approve this?  Some are arguing that allowing exports would raise prices for domestic consumers and manufacturers, and this would be bad for American users of natural gas.

For more on all this, see the Washington Post here and the NY Times here.

Normally, free trade is about whether or not to allow imports, but preventing exports in an effort to help domestic interest groups is really just the same situation in reverse.  The Washington Post has a good editorial in which they argue for allowing exports.  As they put it:

USUALLY, OPPONENTS of freer trade argue that Americans shouldn’t be buying so many cheap products from abroad, sending their cash overseas. But when it comes to exporting some of this nation’s abundant supplies of natural gas, those who oppose opening up to the world turn that logic on its head — arguing, strangely, that Americans shouldn’t be trying to sell this particular product to other nations, bringing money into the country in the process. Both arguments are unconvincing, and for the same reason: When countries can buy and sell to each other, their economies do what they are best at, producing more with less and driving economic growth.

That’s well put, but let me just add one thing: Under our international trade agreements, we have promised not to restrict exports.  We can’t restrict exports just to keep domestic prices down. In fact, we have already brought a successful WTO complaint against China for doing similar things.  If we want others to play by the rules, we have to do so as well.

So, not only is allowing exports of natural gas good policy, it is what we have promised to do, and what we are demanding of others.

International Solidarity? Not So Much.

Trade unions and other workers’ rights groups often oppose trade liberalization, especially agreements with developing countries where labor is relatively cheap. To have any chance of securing organized labor’s support, preferential trade deals must, they insist, include references to International Labor Organization norms (which include things like the right to organize and the right to bargain collectively ).

The labor groups commonly give two plausible-sounding justifications for these demands: First, the requirements are supposed to protect American workers in import-competing industries from facing competition from “sub-standard” employers abroad. Second, they say that access to the U.S. market is a compelling incentive to encourage countries that would not normally sign up to ILO standards to do so. In other words, there is an element of international union solidarity in their insistence on enforceable labor standards.

But a telling quote in a story in today’s Inside U.S. Trade [paywall] exposes that explanation as being…shall we say…incomplete:

The International Brotherhood of Teamsters could oppose a final Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) deal if it grants more dairy market access and threatens the jobs of 31,000 dairy workers the union represents in the United States, Teamsters legislative representative Mike Dolan said in a Dec. 7 presentation to negotiators here.

He highlighted that the union has no “beef” with Fonterra [a New Zealand dairy cooperative] and recognizes it as a global leader on labor practices. Fonterra has adopted a “global labor agreement” that adheres to principles found in key International Labor Organization conventions, such as the right to freedom of association and collective bargaining, he said. In this respect, Dolan said Fonterra is a “model” for the U.S. dairy industry.

But Dolan stressed that opening the U.S. market to New Zealand, the largest dairy exporter in the world, could have a dramatically negative impact on an industry that is already being forced to sell much of its product well under the price of production. [emphasis added]

The TPP is being negotiated with a number of different countries, some of which are not as labor-friendly as New Zealand, so clearly the Teamsters’ opposition is more nuanced than the above quotes suggest (as the full article makes clear). But Dolan’s admission that his union opposes increased dairy imports from New Zealand even though it is “a model” of labor rights is telling. It suggests that trade negotiators wanting to appease the unions by more explicitly incorporating stronger labor protections are embarking on something of a Sisyphean task, at least so long as import competition is the real driver of organized labor’s opposition, as it appears to be here.

Trade Will Do More than Sanctions for Russian Rights

The Senate will vote today to grant permanent normal trade relations to Russia.  The House already voted overwhelmingly to do so last month by a vote of 365-43.  The Senate vote, followed by certain presidential signature, will enable the United States to take advantage of Russia’s WTO membership, which it secured last December after 18 years of negotiation.  I’ve written before about why it took Congress so long to act on something despite its wide bipartisan support.  The culprits include self-defeating election year politics and foreign policy timidity.

Substantively, the debate has been about how best to sanction human rights abuses in Russia and/or elsewhere.  Should the bill impose financial and travel sanctions on Russian officials who’ve mistreated their people or on all foreign officials from all countries who we think have done so?  The sanctions have nothing to do with trade but they seem relevant because granting PNTR requires Congress to repeal the Jackson-Vanik Amendment that makes trade with the Soviet Union conditional on the latter not restricting Jewish emigration in 1970s.

But the bill would do more for human rights in Russia if it didn’t include any sanctions at all.  Rather than cause trouble with Russia (which has said it will respond strongly to any sanctions), those in Congress wanting to look like they care about human rights could have simply and correctly pointed out the substantial benefits to the Russian people that come from freer trade with the United States.

Trade liberalization is, of course, not a panacea for corruption and official lawlessness in Russia, but it does actually and directly make the people of Russia more free.  Moreover, a wealthier and more cosmopolitan population is more likely to demand accountability from its leaders.  More trade on market terms will connect the Russian people with the world, increasing their expectations and exposing their plight.

WTO membership will require Russia to be more transparent and enable foreign countries to use law, rather than politics, to pressure Russia to further liberalize its economy.  PNTR will ensure that the United States is a part of that effort.  Poking Russian officials in the eye with sanctions is at best merely emotionally satisfying and at worst counterproductive to helping the Russian people hold their own officials accountable.