Topic: Trade and Immigration

Trade Negotiations Can Be Painful to Watch

In an ideal world, governments would recognize the benefits of trade liberalization, and eliminate domestic tariffs on their own.  In the real world, though, much of the tariff reduction process comes through international agreements between countries, which go something like this: We will agree to lower our tariffs if you agree to lower yours.  Most people recognize that this is a silly way to do things, but in the end it leads to lower tariffs and it’s the only way to do so within existing political constraints, so we go along with it.

But it can be really painful to watch in action.  Here’s an article in the FT about the U.S.-EU trade talks:

The US has accused the EU of abandoning a pledge to remove all tariffs applied to goods traded across the Atlantic, in the first substantive row to hit landmark trade negotiations between the two economies.

The EU and US last year launched a push to reach a Trans-Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership billed as the world’s largest regional trade negotiation covering economies comprising almost half of the global economy.

Much of the focus of the discussions has been on bringing regulations in line to encourage more trade and on reducing other non-tariff barriers. But both sides had also pledged to seek to remove all tariffs on transatlantic trade, and in a sign of the difficult discussions to come the US has accused the EU of backing away from that goal.

In discussions this week in Brussels, EU officials have told their US counterparts that they plan to allow US beef, chicken and pork into the EU only under a quota system. The move amounts to a stick in the eye of US negotiators who face powerful agricultural lobbies at home and a Congress that is appearing ever more sceptical about the value of trade agreements.

It also follows a concerted effort by Karel De Gucht, the EU trade commissioner, to label the US’s original tariff offers tabled last month as less ambitious than the EU’s. The EU’s original offer would eliminate tariffs on 96 per cent of goods traded across the Atlantic while the US offer promised to wipe out tariffs on 88 per cent of goods.

US officials insist they plan to negotiate their offer upward and remain committed to the goal of eliminating all tariffs. However, EU officials, they say, have told their US counterparts that they will not eliminate tariffs on beef, chicken or pork and instead subject them to a sliding system of tariff-rate quotas.

At the end of all this, my hope is that most U.S. and EU tariffs will be eliminated.  But watching everyone haggle about it, and demonstrate so much reluctance to do what is clearly in their interest, is not much fun.

E-Verify Does Not “Turn Off” Job Magnet

One of the main claims of E-Verify’ ssupporters is that it will turn off the job magnet that incentivizes unauthorized immigration.  A recent Working Paper by economists Pia M. Orrenius and Madeline Zavodny casts doubt on that.

They find that E-Verify mandates in the states have decreased wages of likely Mexican unauthorized immigrant men by about 7.8 percent and unauthorized immigrant Mexican women by 1.2 percent.  The likelihood of men being employed is not much affected by E-Verify but it does increase female employment and labor force participation – which makes sense in the context of making migration and employment decisions on the family level.  Clearly, E-Verify has diminished the anticipated wage gains from illegally immigrating to the United States.

However, E-Verify has not turned off the job magnet.  Assuming that unauthorized immigrant men and women earn the same wages, the estimated gains to coming here for the marginal Mexican immigrant is only slightly lowered.  Based on gender data from Pew and comparing the wages of identical workers in Mexico and the United States, here are some back of the envelope calculations showing how E-Verify has affected wages for unauthorized Mexican immigrants:

Unauthorized Immigrant Workers 

 

Female

Male

All

Gender

39.4%

60.6%

100.0%

Monthly Wages in U.S. (Pre-E-Verify)

 $  1,470.80

 $  1,470.80

 $  1,470.80

Monthly Wages in Mexico

      $580.90

     $580.90

     $580.90

Wages Multiple from Working in U.S.

2.53

2.53

2.53

Monthly Wages (Post E-Verify)

$1,453.15

$1,356.08

$1,394.32

Wages Multiple from Working in U.S. Under E-Verify

2.50

2.33

2.40

Sources: Center for Global Development, Pew Hispanic Center, and Dallas Fed Working Paper

E-Verify lowers the wage gain for all Mexican unauthorized workers from 2.53 times as great as in Mexico to 2.4 times as great – a whopping 5 percent decrease.  That’s not much to brag about considering E-Verify is supposed to be the lynchpin of future immigration enforcement.  It’s hard to see how E-Verify proponents can look at this small wage effect and conclude that E-Verify is worth it, given the enormous array of problems and burdens caused by it.  In practice, E-Verify does not turn off the job magnet that attracts unauthorized immigrants to our shores and will not if it is ever mandated.   

Let’s Try Anti-Sanctions

As U.S. policymakers develop their response to the Russian incursion into Ukraine, it seems quite likely that some form of sanctions will be employed.  But sanctions are always harmful to innocents and never particularly effective.  It’s worth considering, then, whether there are policy options that would have a positive impact on the geopolitical situation in Ukraine while directly improving human lives and increasing liberty.  We could call them “anti-sanctions.”

One possibility would be to liberalize U.S. exports of natural gas.  John Boehner and others in Congress have argued that doing so would reduce Russia’s influence in the region by providing countries like Ukraine a non-Russian source of energy.  Even if the geopolitical benefits are slow to materialize, allowing more oil and gas exports would have tremendous economic benefits for the United States.

A much simpler anti-sanction response would be to drop U.S. tariffs on imports from Ukraine.  Normally, many products from Ukraine would be allowed to enter the United States duty free under the Generalized System of Preferences.  But that program, meant to aid development in poor countries, expired last summer.  Renewing GSP would reduce Ukraine’s economic dependence on Russia while directly helping Ukrainians and the Americans they do (or would do) business with.  

Perhaps I am hopelessly naïve, but exploring avenues for peaceful interaction seems to me like a much friendlier and more constructive way to approach international problems.  I suspect there are a great number of pro-liberty “anti-sanctions” that the U.S. government could employ as a response to the crisis in Ukraine that might actually make a positive difference in the lives of Ukrainian people.

A Closer Look at Congress’s Views on Trade

Cato’s congressional trade votes database now includes votes from last year on major trade bills and amendments in both houses of Congress. The purpose of the database is to educate the public about the trade policy preferences of individual members. We do that by recording their votes on major trade bills and amendments and using the data to map a broader ideological profile.

Whether a particular member qualifies as a free trader, an isolationist, an internationalist, or an interventionist based on our methodology depends on their support for (or opposition to) trade barriers and subsidies.

 

Trade Votes Matrix

In previous years, the farm bill and its various amendments have provided a treasure trove of vote data to pin down members’ proclivities on specific commodities and willingness to use public money to distort the economy for the benefit of select cronies. This year was no different, except that votes taken in the House of Representatives on the full package bill have been excluded. Those votes hinged almost entirely on the issue of food stamps, and because the purpose of the database is to reveal members’ trade policy positions, including them in the database would be inappropriate. 

That doesn’t mean, of course, that you shouldn’t be dismayed by Republicans who, after successfully removing food stamps from the bill so that productive debate could be had on reforming farm programs, nevertheless voted en masse to continue our Soviet-style agriculture policy with no significant change.

The new votes on the site include the Senate farm bill, failed votes in both houses to reform the sugar program, an amendment to avoid protectionist regulations on imported olive oil, an extension of “Buy American” policies in government procurement, and a continuation of export marketing subsidies for wealthy agribusiness.

I encourage you to check out the site, read up on our unique methodology, and find out just how protectionist your favorite (or least favorite) member of Congress really is.

Krugman on the TPP

Paul Krugman weighed in yesterday on the Trans Pacific Partnership (TPP). I agree with one of his points; I disagree with another.

First, the disagreement: Krugman claims protectionism is mostly gone, and thus the TPP is not all that important:

The first thing you need to know about trade deals in general is that they aren’t what they used to be. The glory days of trade negotiations—the days of deals like the Kennedy Round of the 1960s, which sharply reduced tariffs around the world—are long behind us.

Why? Basically, old-fashioned trade deals are a victim of their own success: there just isn’t much more protectionism to eliminate. Average U.S. tariff rates have fallen by two-thirds since 1960. The most recent report on American import restraints by the International Trade Commission puts their total cost at less than 0.01 percent of G.D.P.

He said the same thing a while back, but it’s just as wrong now as it was then. Here’s what I said at the time:

Tariffs on certain goods are still quite high. A publication called World Tariff Profiles illustrates this nicely. If you look at p. 170 for U.S. statistics, you will see tariff duties for four general product categories of over 10%. You’ll also see maximum tariffs (i.e., the high tariff on particular products) of over 100%!

And if you look at the duty rates for other countries, they are generally much higher.

And none of that includes special “trade remedy” tariffs (anti-dumping, countervailing duties, safeguards), subsidies, discriminatory government procurement, or domestic laws and regulations that discriminate (such as local content requirements).

So, protectionism is alive and well. 

Laura Ingraham’s Poor Response to George Will on Immigration

Radio talk show host Laura Ingraham recently penned a criticism of an excellent column written by George Will about immigration.  Although George Will is more than capable of defending himself, I thought I should step in and push back against many of Ingraham’s points.

The first two arguments made by Ingraham respond to practical political concerns – the midterm elections in 2014:

Will claims that the GOP should not focus its arguments in 2014 solely on Obamacare. I agree, and so do other conservative opponents of immigration reform. But that hardly proves that we will benefit politically from giving in to the president on his top priority and yielding a huge political victory to the Democrats that will boost their morale and devastate many people in our base.

Will maintains that if the GOP enforces unanimity on major issues, it will not grow. GOP supporters of reform are not being silenced or pushed out of the party. And, again, I don’t see the political benefits of siding with the president and House Minority Leader Nancy Pelosi (D-Calif.) against the conservative base on such a vital issue. The easiest way for the GOP to do very poorly in 2014 would be for its base to stay home, and that is more likely to happen if conservative voters watch the GOP cooperate with the president on immigration.”

Many Republicans are looking at polling data, months in advance, and counting their electoral chickens before they hatch.  The train wreck of Obamacare will likely help Republicans in the 2014 elections.  I’m not a political strategist so I won’t comment on Ingraham’s or Will’s arguments about that.  Ingraham, however, misleadingly leaves off the name of prominent conservative Republicans who support immigration reform, namely Senators Marco Rubio (R-FL) and Jeff Flake (R-AZ).  It is true that President Obama and Rep. Nancy Pelosi (D-CA) support immigration reform, but excluding conservative backers makes the bipartisan reform effort appear entirely Democratic – which it isn’t.

Dumbest Trade War Indeed

In an article titled “The World’s Dumbest Trade War,” Slate’s Will Oremus offers a thorough accounting of the ridiculous policy of imposing tariffs on cheap solar panels from China. 

Remember, the U.S. government wants Americans to buy solar panels, and it subsidizes those purchases through rebates and incentives. The Chinese government wants Chinese companies to build solar panels, and it subsidizes their manufacture. And yet rather than celebrate this fortuitous arrangement, the world’s top economic powers find themselves on the brink of a trade war that could cripple a promising industry in both countries, kill jobs, and hurt the environment all at once. It’s a terrible trade-policy trifecta.

Trying to make solar panels more expensive to aid domestic manufacturers defeats the whole purpose of having domestic manufacturers in the first place. It aptly demonstrates the folly of green industrial policy—subsidies and tariffs to create and then maintain “green jobs”—as a rational environmental policy.

Fortunately, some countries have recognized the harmful impact of trade barriers and called for free trade in environmentally friendly products like solar panels and wind turbines. This initiative may be included in some form in the Trans-Pacific Partnership agreement. Last year, Simon Lester and I wrote a paper explaining that any such endeavor should not exclude antidumping and anti-subsidy duties like those being used here by the United States.

What’s more, as Oremus aptly points out, these duties not only reduce the viability of green energy, they harm domestic businesses that install solar energy equipment. 

Unfortunately, this phenomenon is in no way unique to solar panels. The U.S. imposes a great number of antidumping and anti-subsidy duties on imports that U.S. manufacturers rely on as inputs. Check out this video to learn more about America’s economically irrational and destructive antidumping laws: