Topic: International Economics and Development

Industrial Catastrophe in Post-Soviet Russia

It is challenging to calculate the industrial output for post-socialist transition economies. However, through meticulous work based on internationally recognized statistical standards over two decades, two Russian economists currently associated with the Higher School of Economics in Moscow, Eduard Baranov and Vladimir Bessonov, were able to produce a statistical time-series for the main branches of Russian industry and for the industrial sector as a whole.

The table below summarizes their findings on the physical volume of industrial output in Russia from January 1990 until March 2013. January 1990 marked the end of economic growth in the territory of contemporary Russia (when Russia was still part of the former USSR) as well as the beginning of the late Soviet Union’s economic crisis. March 2013 is the most recent month for which data is available.

Branches of Industry Changes in Industrial Output as %

(March 2013 - January 1990)

Industry as a whole -22.5
Power -6.3
Fuel -4.8
Oil extraction -6.2
Gas 17.1
Coal -3.4
Metallurgy -7.2
Chemical -50.3
Machine building -16.4
Food -12.4
Light industry -84.6

Source: Eduard Baranov and Vladimir Bessonov, 2013

No word describes these numbers better than “catastrophe”. As the data shows, the current level of Russian industrial output is still almost a quarter lower than it was in the time of the Soviet Union.

What to Do about OPEC?

Cato hosted a policy forum last week (which you can watch in its entirety if you missed it the first time around) to discuss a new paper released by Security America’s Energy Future (SAFE).  The paper – written by long-time friends Andy Morriss and Roger Meiners – argues that there is a consensus among academics who have studied OPEC.  The consensus?  The cartel is responsible for less crude oil on the market than would otherwise be the case (which means higher prices than would otherwise be the case) and for the bulk of the price volatility we find in crude oil and, thus, gasoline markets.  “The international market for oil is not a free market” they conclude.  “The global oil market deviates in important ways from the competitive model and that these market anomalies have significant economic impacts and so are relevant for policy makers.”

While Morriss and Meiners would thus seem to invite politicians to act, they offered no agenda of their own.  That’s where SAFE comes in.  FedEx’s Fred Smith, who co-chairs SAFE’s Energy Security Leadership Council, argued at the forum that the federal government needs to respond to OPEC’s machinations by (1) achieving energy independence for North America (a goal I’ve been quite skeptical about in the past), (2) establishing tough energy efficiency standards for a whole host of goods, but most particularly, for U.S. automobiles via CAFÉ standards (an agenda that most economists would reject in favor of accurate price signals), and (3) subsidizing R&D in order to find alternatives to oil in transportation markets.  SAFE discusses this agenda more robustly in their “National Energy Strategy for Energy Security, 2013”.

SMU’s James Smith – one of the most prominent energy economists who works in this field – was on-hand to offer what I think was a compelling rebuttal to the central arguments forwarded by the Morriss and Meiners study.

Trade Pessimism Reigns Supreme

The Economist magazine has an article worrying that the proposed US-EU trade talks – discussed in this Cato paper and at this recent event – are floundering.  They say, “[r]ight now, the pact is in trouble, beset by small-mindedness and mutual suspicion.”  All is not lost, though: “Time, then, for a big push on both sides; this pact can still be saved.”

Now, I can see why people get concerned about trade negotiations.  Many of them drag on for years, and the prospects for completing large-scale negotiations look dim these day.  But there’s something that should be kept in mind about the US-EU talks:  They haven’t even started yet!  The negotiations won’t start until July, and it’s still only April.  So everyone needs to relax a bit.

Having said that, I can see why people would express concern.  The pre-negotiation jockeying suggests there will be serious difficulties.  For example, France wants “cultural sectors,” like TV, radio and film, exempted.  On this point, the Economist notes:

European governments recently sent trade officials to Brussels to a first meeting on their offer to America. Led by the French, envoys from southern and eastern Europe called for a long list of red lines. These covered the usual stuff: agriculture, public services and “audio-visual” content (eg, bungs for French cinéastes, airtime quotas to keep Flemish hip-hop on the radio). That appals Team Obama, though not because Americans are blameless. From financial services to air passenger services, America maintains lots of barriers to trade. The real fear is that if Europe starts setting out red lines, trade sceptics in America will draw their own.

There is no doubt that this kind of economic nationalist thinking gets in the way of trade liberalization.  Instead of recognizing the benefits of opening the domestic market to imports, too many countries try to “protect” their economy from foreign competition.  The reality is that the economy benefits from this foreign competition, and governments should be fighting to see who can liberalize the most.

Unfortunately, based on what they see as rational domestic political calculations, governments do not think or act this way.  They try to use trade negotiations to open up export markets, while maintaining import protection.  Not surprisingly, this undermines the potential benefits of the negotiations, and makes it very hard to get deals done.

In order for the proposed US-EU pact to avoid stalling out, as some other trade negotiations have, some realism could be helpful.  We shouldn’t expect a trade deal to lead to complete and total free trade.  At best, it will simply make some progress towards more liberalization.  And if it can do that, that’s a good thing.

To make real progress, though, trade negotiators need to change their mindset.  Protection from foreign competition is not something to be maintained through special exceptions in trade deals; rather, protection is bad for the economy as a whole (despite any benefits to particular interest groups), making us all worse off.  If some day trade officials can recognize this basic economic truth, trade negotiations will become much easier!

Doing Business Under Attack

The Doing Business project is among the World Bank’s most useful activities – both for scholars and, more importantly, for policymakers who are interested in pursuing pro-market reforms. It is disheartening to see that the review of the project, initiated last year by the Bank’s President Jim Yong Kim, has been hijacked by groups like Oxfam, Christian Aid or CAFOD, which are trying to erode the project’s analytical sharpness and destroy its role as a focal point for economic reformers in low- and mid-income countries. Perhaps they would like to see it scrapped altogether.

Marian Tupy and I are discussing the controversy, and offering arguments in favor of the Doing Business project in our article at Foreign Policy. Bottom line:

It is true that Doing Business is not an ideal metric of business environment: Nothing is. Yet over the past decade the survey has proven an extremely useful tool both for scholars and businesspeople who want to compare the ease of actually conducting business in different countries, and for policymakers trying to foster the development of the private sector. Unless someone comes up with a better alternative, discarding or watering down this metric is likely to lead to less well-informed choices about policy.

We may disagree about the relative importance of a good business environment for poor countries. Yet few would suggest that it should be simply ignored. It’s difficult to avoid the impression that Doing Business is currently coming under attack by groups with ulterior motives, groups who are inimical to a pro-market and pro-growth policy agenda. Given the extraordinary economic and human progress achieved in the last few decades through deliberate improvements to business environment, one hopes that the Doing Business project remains central to the World Bank’s portfolio of activities.

Unexpected Praise for Australia’s Private Social Security System

As part of my “Question of the Week” series, I said that Australia probably would be the best option if the United States suffered some sort of Greek-style fiscal meltdown that led to a societal collapse.*

One reason I’m so bullish on Australia is that the nation has a privatized Social Security system called “Superannuation,” with workers setting aside 9 percent of their income in personal retirement accounts (rising to 12 percent by 2020).

Established almost 30 years ago, and made virtually universal about 20 years ago, this system is far superior to the actuarially bankrupt Social Security system in the United States.

Probably the most sobering comparison is to look at a chart of how much private wealth has been created in Superannuation accounts and then look at a chart of the debt that we face for Social Security.

To be blunt, the Aussies are kicking our butts. Their system gets stronger every day and our system generates more red ink every day.

And their system is earning praise from unexpected places. The Center for Retirement Research at Boston College, led by a former Clinton Administration official, is not a bastion of laissez-faire thinking. So it’s noteworthy when it publishes a study praising Superannuation.

Australia’s retirement income system is regarded by some as among the best in the world. It has achieved high individual saving rates and broad coverage at reasonably low cost to the government.

Since I wrote my dissertation on Australia’s system, I can say with confidence that the author is not exaggerating. It’s a very good role model, for reasons I’ve previously discussed.

Here’s more from the Boston College study.

The program requires employers to contribute 9 percent of earnings, rising to 12 percent by 2020, to a tax-advantaged retirement plan for each employee age 18 to 70 who earns more than a specified minimum amount. …Over 90 percent of employed Australians have savings in a Superannuation account, and the total assets in these accounts now exceed Australia’s Gross Domestic Product. …Australia has been extremely effective in achieving key goals of any retirement income system. …Its Superannuation Guarantee program has generated high and rising levels of saving by essentially the entire active workforce.

The study does include some criticisms, some of which are warranted. The system can be gamed by those who want to take advantage of the safety net retirement system maintained by the government.

Australia’s means-tested Age Pension creates incentives to reduce one’s “means” in order to collect a higher means-tested benefit. This can be done by spending down one’s savings and/or investing these savings in assets excluded from the Age Pension means test. What makes this situation especially problematic is that workers can currently access their Superannuation savings at age 55, ten years before becoming eligible for Age Pension benefits at 65. This ability creates an incentive to retire early, live on these savings until eligible for an Age Pension, and collect a higher benefit, sometimes referred to as “double dipping.”

Though I admit dealing with this issue may require a bit of paternalism. Should individuals be forced to turn their retirement accounts into an income stream (called annuitization) once they reach retirement age?

Price Controls: A Troubling Trend in Latin America

Argentina, Venezuela, and now even Ecuador have all embraced an unfortunate, if familiar, economic craze currently sweeping the region – price controls. In a wrong-headed attempt to “suppress” inflation, the respective governments have attempted to fix prices at artificially low levels. As any economist worth his salt knows, this will ultimately lead to scarcity.

Consider Venezuela, where the government sets the price of a number of goods, including premium gasoline, which is fixed at only 5.8 U.S. cents per gallon. As the accompanying chart shows, 20.4% of goods are simply not available in stores.

While price controls ostensibly keep the prices of goods on official markets low, they ultimately lead to empty shelves, depriving many consumers access to essential goods (such as toilet paper). This, in turn, leads to “repressed” inflation – given the price controls that exist, the “true” rate of inflation is held down, or repressed through Soviet-style government intervention. As the accompanying chart shows, the implied annual inflation rate for Venezuela (using changes in the black-market VEF/USD exchange rate) puts the “repressed” inflation rate at 153%.

Likewise, Argentina is facing a similar dilemma (see the accompanying chart).

In addition to scarcity and repressed inflation, price controls can lead to unintended political consequences down the road. Once price controls are implemented it is very difficult to remove them without generating popular unrest – just consider the 1989 riots in Venezuela when President Carlos Perez attempted to remove price controls. 

Hopefully, Ecuador – which, thanks to its dollarization, is experiencing an annual inflation rate of only 3% – will see this folly and abandon its expirement with price controls.

If countries like Venezuela are really interested in keeping inflation under control, they should follow Ecuador’s lead – simply junk their domestic currencies and “dollarize”.

A Dubious Government Victory in Venezuela

According to Venezuela’s National Election Council (CNE), Nicolás Maduro, the chavista candidate in yesterday’s presidential election, beat the opposition’s Henrique Capriles by less than 265,000 votes—the narrowest margin in a Venezuelan election since 1968.

However, there are good reasons to believe there was foul play. After polling stations closed yesterday, there were numerous reports of irregularities where security forces or armed gangs prevented the opposition from participating in the vote count. Also, even after 98 percent of the votes had been reported, it took the government-controlled CNE five hours to announce the election result. In previous years, when the government won an election, the CNE would quickly announce the results. But when the opposition won the 2007 constitutional referendum, it took the CNE many hours to do so.

Moreover, the result seemed to have caught the opposition by surprise. Prior to the announcement, the Capriles campaign seemed optimistic about the results they were receiving from all over the country (the opposition had representatives in most polling stations and they—as long as they were allowed—fed Capriles’ command with information about the vote count at each station). Capriles himself refused to recognize the result, saying that Maduro was the defeated candidate and that the numbers released by the CNE were different from those his campaign had. He demanded a full recount of the votes.

Tellingly, Maduro’s victory speech didn’t sound like one. Maduro spent much of his address convincing people he had won fairly. Then he claimed that not recognizing his victory would amount to a coup. He seemed like a man with something to hide.

As on October 7th, when the late Hugo Chávez defeated Capriles by a much larger margin, the election wasn’t free or fair. In her column today [requieres suscription] in the Wall Street Journal, Mary O’Grady describes all the challenges that the opposition faced in this election cycle, including the support that Maduro received from Cuba’s security and intelligence apparatus. The fact that, even against those odds, Capriles managed to get 49.07% of the vote and be within a whisker of victory (at least according to the official report) shows that Maduro would’ve most certainly been defeated in a fair election.

It is now up to the opposition to document all the irregularities and prove that Maduro’s victory was fraudulent. Responsible governments in the Americas, including the U.S government, should withhold their recognition of Maduro’s victory until a full recount takes place.

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