Tag: Institute for Justice

Frivolous Lawsuit Aimed at Silencing Critics of Eminent Domain Abuse

In Kelo v. City of New London, the Supreme Court ruled that a locality could use its eminent domain authority to seize private property to sell to private developers. Cato’s amicus brief opposing this abuse of the Takings Clause is available here, and an article on Kelo and other property law rulings of the 2004-2005 term by law professor James W. Ely, Jr. is available here.

One positive outcome of Kelo was the legislative restriction of eminent domain usage in state houses across the country. On the other hand, developers and localities have attempted to muzzle their critics with frivolous lawsuits. The Institute for Justice is currently litigating one of these actions in Texas:

Investigative journalist Carla Main wrote a book about eminent domain abuse in Freeport, Texas.  The city is attempting to force out a generations-old family shrimp and marine supply business to make way for a luxury marina development that was to be owned and operated by Royall’s private company.  When the victims of this eminent domain abuse complained, Royall sued them for defamation.  Main’s book, Bulldozed: “Kelo,” Eminent Domain, and the American Lust for Land, tells the story of the Gore family’s generations-old shrimp business and how Royall and the city tried to take their land.  Prominent law professor Richard Epstein (University of Chicago and New York University) contributed a blurb to the back cover of Bulldozed.

Royall sued Main, Epstein and Encounter Books (the publisher) for defamation over the contents of Bulldozed.  He also sued two newspapers and a journalist who published reviews of Bulldozed.  Royall is attempting to use the power of the courts to silence his critics.

A Dallas trial court ruled last year that the lawsuit was not barred by the First Amendment, even though Royall could not point to any statement in Main’s book that came close to the legal standard for defamation. The Institute for Justice is appealing the trial court’s decision. As Bill McGurn writes in today’s Wall Street Journal, this suit is one of the “high costs of Mr. Kennedy’s concurrence” in Kelo. Here’s hoping that rights protected by both the First and Fifth Amendments can prevail.

Susette Kelo, the owner of the Little Pink House at the center of the Kelo case, spoke at the Cato Institute about her ordeal, and her story is the subject of this Cato Institute video.

Bulldozing Homes, Billing Homeowners

Officials in Montgomery, Alabama, are bulldozing homes in their historic civil rights district – and billing the homeowners for the cost of demolition:

Christina Walsh of the Institute for Justice writes about this injustice at the Daily Caller:

Imagine you come home from work one day to a notice on your front door that you have 45 days to demolish your house, or the city will do it for you.  Oh, and you’re paying for it.

This is happening right now in Montgomery, Ala., and here is how it works: The city decides it doesn’t like your property for one reason or another, so it declares it a “public nuisance.”  It mails you a notice that you have 45 days to demolish your property, at your expense, or the city will do it for you (and, of course, bill you).

Your tab with the city will constitute a lien on your property, and if you don’t pay it within 30 days … the city can sell your now-vacant land to the highest bidder.

The rest of her article is here.  Also, see ABC News, Big Government and Reason magazine.  And you can find Cato’s work on property rights here.

The Power of One Entrepreneur

The Institute for Justice has launched a new economic liberties program called “The Power of One Entrepreneur.”  They have five detailed reports produced by successful local writers, highlighting five individual entrepreneurs. 

The power of one entrepreneur, the reports explain, is the key to helping our nation recover from this economic slump and to restoring our inner cities and countless lives through honest enterprise.  Together, they showcase the importance of economic liberty and the fact that countless people are fighting Big Government to secure their American Dream. 

These reports do two important things:

First, they document the positive impact one single entrepreneur can have on those around him or her, not only by offering employment, but through charitable work and mentoring to grow other entrepreneurs in the community, thereby growing the economic pie.

Second, through tangible examples, they make the point that if the government wants to do something to help Americans in this “jobless recovery,” it can do one simple thing:  Get out of the way so entrepreneurs like these can be free to create jobs for themselves and for others.

This is part of IJ’s laudable long-time effort to put a human face on the issue of economic liberty — the right to earn a living free from arbitrary and unnecessary government regulation.

Conservatives vs. Libertarians on Judicial Activism

I should have posted this earlier, but if anyone interested in legal issues – should be everyone given that most things coming out of Washington these days have constitutional defects – hasn’t yet read Damon Root’s cover story in the July issue of Reason magazine, drop what you’re doing now and do so.

While not a J.D. – or perhaps because he isn’t – Damon paints a completely accurate picture on the differences between conservative and libertarian approaches to constitutional interpretation and judicial philosophy.  And I don’t mean a rehash of debates on social issues except in legalese; there are real subtleties involved, particularly when most people adhering to either of these camps call themselves “originalists” of one stripe or another.  Damon’s article is both deep and wide, surveying the landscape of relevant legal thinkers and explaining to non-lawyers why all this is so, so important.  (And no, I personally am not featured.)

What is more, you can now also watch Damon discussing his article and reporting in this area:

This is groundbreaking and important journalism.

Free Trade Begins at Home

When pundits discuss “free trade,” most people think of international trade, eliminating tariffs, import quotas, and the like. That’s because the Constitution’s Commerce Clause – the one Congress has been using and abusing for decades – grants the government the power to “make regular” trade between the several states.  For example, Oklahoma can’t ban imports of beef from coming across the Red River and New York can’t have a different licensing regime for long-haul tracks entering from New Jersey rather than Pennsylvania.

While this commerce- (and liberty-) enhancing feature of our federal system has required a Supreme Court reminder for traditional wine retailers in recent years, Americans have generally taken for granted that buying and selling products between American jurisdictions is perfectly normal.

It may surprise you to learn, then, that in Lake Elmo, Minnesota, proprietors of a 40-year-old family farm that yields flowers, pumpkins and Christmas trees, are facing fines and 90-day jail sentences for attempting to sell their products in that town.  The reason?  Part of their farm lies outside city limits, and in Lake Elmo it’s illegal for farmers to sell products – even from their own land – unless they were grown within the city.  You can view a short video about their story here:

Thankfully, our friends at the Institute for Justice are stepping up to defend these folks for making a living by engaging in domestic free trade.  This blatant protectionism is harmful and foolish when practiced with foreign trading partners, and is all the more repugnant when practiced against one’s own neighbors who provide the community with valuable goods and services.  That these law-abiding entrepreneurs face potential jail time for the crime of “selling produce across city lines” is anathema to the Constitution.

You can read Cato’s work on agricultural free trade here

Fifth Anniversary of Kelo v. New London

With all the property rights news coming out of the Supreme Court and New York Court of Appeals in the last week, I almost missed Wednesday’s fifth anniversary of the dreadful Kelo v. New London decision.  Justice Stevens’s  opinion in Kelo sanctioned a transfer of private property from homeowners to a big company in the name of (promised but, as we’ve seen, never realized) job creation and increased tax revenue. 

This was a Pyrrhic victory for eminent domain abusers, however, given:

  • 9 state high courts have limited eminent domain powers;
  • 43 state legislatures have passed greater property rights reform;
  • 44 eminent domain abuse projects have been defeated by grassroots activists;
  • 88 percent of the public now believes that property rights are as important as free speech and freedom of religion.

To learn about these and other fascinating developments that turned a property rights lemon into at least some type of lemonade, see the Institute for Justice’s new report and video.